Home > Uncategorized > For An All-Ireland Constituent Assembly, A Genuine New All-Ireland Dáil on the Centenary of the First Dáil

For An All-Ireland Constituent Assembly, A Genuine New All-Ireland Dáil on the Centenary of the First Dáil

For An All-Ireland Constituent Assrembly- A NEW All-Ireland Dáil to Commemorate the Centenary of The First All-Ireland Dail in January,1919

Discussion on this proposals with contributions from others is carried below


For An All-Ireland Constituent Assembly-Paddy Healy

As set out below, it is now clear that huge burdens are being imposed on Irish People North and South by foreign powers with the collusion of Irish political collaborators North and South. There is no shred of political sovereignty left to the Irish People with Westminister Rule being implemented in the north and Franco-German (EU) rule being implemented in the south. The obvious response should be a united All-Ireland Campaign Against Austerity and Cuts and  the linked issue of lack of sovereignty of the Irish People as a whole.

The will of the majority of the Irish People  cannot be expressed through British Institutions in the North and a 26-county parliament which lacks all sovereignty in the wake of the Fiscal Treaty

Hence to be effective the All-Ireland Campaign Against Austerity requires an All-Ireland Constituent Assembly to raise the campaign to a new level and bring ultimate success

The All-Ireland Parliament of 1919 was the culmination of over two years of struggle including an all-Ireland general strike against conscription.

We have two years before we commemorate the first meeting of the First Dail

Let Us create a new Constituent Assembly of All-Ireand-a genuine New  All-Ireland Dail to unite the Irish people against oppression and reclaim our unity and national sovereignty

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‘THE TIME IS NOW RIGHT TO RESTORE THE REPUBLIC’ – SEAN BRESNAHAN

On Saturday 7th January, the Matt Fitzpatrick Society Newtownbutler marked the 60th anniversary of esteemed Republican Martyrs Sean South and Fergal O’Hanlon. National PRO of the 1916 Societies, Sean Bresnahan, gave the main oration, published below.

A chairde. First-off I’d like to thank the Matt Fitzpatrick Society for the opportunity to speak here this evening, at this fine monument to famed Irish Patriots Sean South and Fergal O’Hanlon, soldiers both of the Irish Republic whose lives they gave in defence of the people – that Ireland might one day be free. It truly is an honour.

As we gather together we do so to reflect on their tremendous sacrifice, and on that of all who fought and died for the Republic over the course of the century past, mindful also of those imprisoned ongoing due to continuing opposition to British rule in Ireland – that very thing which South and O’Hanlon determined upon ending when joining the Republican Movement. We extend them our solidarity and to recently released POWs here today we offer the warmest of welcomes.

We are mindful also of the McKearney family, who not far from here are waking their mother Maura. A family steeped in the tradition that bore Sean South and O’Hanlon, knowing much by the way of suffering and Martyrdom themselves, we offer our sympathies to them at this sad time.

In the twilight hours of a New Year’s Eve sixty years ago, as a 14-man unit of the Irish Republican Army set compass for Brookeborough RUC Barracks, determined to strike a blow for Irish Freedom, Sean South remarked to his comrades, ‘is this the moment we long have waited for?’

60 years on from that tragic night, an enduring inspiration to those still determined on completing the struggle for a free Ireland, our people await in hope that same moment so fondly imagined by South and O’Hanlon – the glint of freedom lighting their souls as they marched towards destiny unknown – where freedom will at last be upon us.

‘Out of this national liberation struggle a new Ireland will emerge, upright and free. In that new Ireland, we shall build a country fit for all our people to live in. That then is our aim: an independent, united, democratic Irish Republic. For this we shall fight until the invader is driven from our soil and victory is ours.’

Those words, issued by the republican leadership at the outset of ‘Operation Harvest’, are a reminder of the Ireland that South and O’Hanlon carried in their hearts as they entered the village of Brookeborough all those years ago.

It is that same Ireland that we, in the broad republican family, aspire to now today: a united and independent all-Ireland democracy as foresaw by the men of 1916, supported in turn by those who trod in their footprint down through the long years since – among them Sean South and Fergal O’Hanlon. Such an Ireland is far from the reality of our country in 2017.

The current situation in Ireland is a bleak one. Despite misleading figures that point to economic growth, a ‘two-tiered recovery’ is not only underway but at an advanced stage. A rapacious transfer of the nation’s wealth to corporate interests straddling the economy is in full flow, backed by the might of the Troika. Society struggles to pick up the slack – homelessness, indebtedness and a widening gap between rich and poor the inevitable consequence.

The so-called republic to the south is in crisis, with economic indices like house prices and GDP manipulated to disguise a social catastrophe where people queue at food bank for their Christmas dinner, where families have only a Bed and Breakfast to call home, where others freeze in doorways overnight and where others again struggle to hold onto their homes. Suicide is the answer for too many. Ireland is facing the abyss.

But we cannot understand this nightmare – and in turn confront it as we must – without understanding the role of the Troika and its control over successive Dublin Governments, which is the number one causal factor behind the crisis in Ireland today.

EU finance capitalism, driven by the needs of the Bundesbank and a slavish technocratic elite in Brussels, thinks it can save itself while the ordinary man and woman pays the price for its doing so. But it can’t. Because, despite the imposition of austerity in an effort to restructure perceived economic misadventures within the Eurozone, it is not the member states or their deficits that are to blame – even where they have contributed to the crisis with their own incompetent profligacy.

What is wrong in the Eurozone is as simple as it is complex, stemming from the faulty architecture of a monetary union devoid of the means to transfer economic surplus from its centre to the periphery. Absent such a mechanism, we are left with an austerity-driven low-inflation high-unemployment ‘doom loop’, which fuels itself in perpetuity by virtue of this essential contradiction.

Ongoing difficulties in Ireland are directly connected to the workings of the Eurozone and cannot be understood in any other context. That’s not to excuse the attitude of the political machine in Dublin but to say that without an analysis of the European debt crisis and the mechanics of monetary union – in terms of how that union structurally impacts peripheral member-states – we’re only scratching the surface.

It is no longer then a case of simply changing the government – indeed were it ever. The required solution will likely be wider than anything achievable at the level of the nation-state, should it seriously hope to succeed. It more probably requires a pan-European approach to debt and liquidity and ultimately to monetary union itself. That’s where we are at and we need to be conscious of where we’re at.

Liam Mellows once described it ‘a fallacy to believe that a Republic of any kind can be won through the shackled Free State’, holding it ‘the buffer between British Capitalism and the Irish Republic’. While the nature of capitalism and its relationship to Ireland is today more complex and extends beyond British influence over the economy, the words of Mellows have never been more apt.

The existing establishment is rotten at core and must give way for the democratic republic. But the republic can only be part of a wider solution where the failed, self-destructive Euro experiment is dismantled in full, the fraternal association of free peoples championed by Connolly going forward in its stead, ending the reign of finance imperialism, ending the debt crisis born thereof, ending the violations of our economic sovereignty by the terrorists in suits known today as the Troika.

And what of the Six Counties and its continuing occupation, its end still nowhere in sight? The internal arrangement set up under Good Friday has been exposed as a total facade, with little to no accountability or check on a permanent administration, sustained by sectarianism, that exists only as a bridgehead between British policy and Irish acquiescence to its terms.

Such policy still notably includes Internment, Diplock Courts, ‘special powers’ and the degrading of political prisoners in the gaols – all of it on the watch of supposed republicans who now administer that same occupation with no real objection to the above.

The northern regime, stumbling from scandal to scandal, is failing its people while fulfilling, as ever, its traditional purpose, which is to stunt the emergence of a progressive alternative at a national level at behest of its British paymaster. The hard reality is that the northern entity, despite outward appearances, is no more than a ward of Britain, with a revised Stormont at the lynchpin of the distraction. That there are yet some who think republican objectives can be achieved there reveals that we still have much to learn.

A century on from 1916, Ireland is in a truly sorry state. So severe are the problems impacting society that a new beginning, in the form of a democratic republic where power and finance are accountable to the people, offers the only route out of the morass. Towards that end, creating a new dynamic in Irish politics through the building of an alternative from below – where the people fight as one for the future – should be the immediate priority in these difficult and testing times.

In that context, republicans must work harder and closer than ever before to advance radical political change. The Ireland we are intent on cannot then be a mere extension of the artificial Free State on a 32-county basis. Our vision is of a new Ireland where issues as homelessness, sectarianism, poverty and emigration – which deface our society and trample its dignity – are no longer the lot of our people.

What is required is a direct all-Ireland response, a national campaign that takes no heed of partition, confronting thus the rotten political system – in its entirety – and demanding its obliteration – in its entirety – making headway for the All-Ireland Republic. Ultimately, then, our aim is towards the full restoration of Irish sovereignty, which must remain the focal point.

In that effort, we can only depend on ourselves, the broad mass of the people, and that is the lesson of history. The behaviour of the ruling establishment – north and south – proves as much conclusively, to say nothing of republican leaderships who, one after the other, have abandoned the Republic, over and over and over. We need to organise and put faith in our own, empowering working people while connecting their struggles each to the other – and in turn to the Republic.

Emerging realities, be they the continuing outworking of the Eurozone’s debt crisis, the impending exit of Britain from the EU or the escalating threat of military confrontation on the global stage, mean we need to prepare for change – for make no mistake it is coming. Progressive sections of society, ourselves included, must exert pressure on the established order and push our ideas to the forefront.

Ultimately, we can only truly rid ourselves of austerity by restoring sovereignty and rebuilding the Republic – forging a republic of the people and not the banks, in the lofty tradition of Tone and Lalor, of Pearse and Connolly, Sean South and O’Hanlon – all who have shown us the way forward; all an example for the road ahead. The time is now right to restore the Republic. Working together we can make it happen.

The stone walls that once were the barn in which these fine men breathed their last, here at Moane’s Cross in Altawalk, though smashed in spite and razed to the ground by the British Army, have since been rebuilt in the form of this monument before us. This beautiful memorial stone is a symbol of the unconquerable spirit that lies in the hearts of our people, that boldly and in defiance asserts to the enemy that, though they may strike us down, we will rise again.

We must go from here and loose that ancient spirit, determined that, like the walls of that barn where South and O’Hanlon passed from this life, the Republic for which they died – the Republic of 1916 – will be rebuilt, stone by stone, until Irish Freedom has been secured, until that moment long-sought by generations of our people has finally been realised; when Ireland, at last, takes her place among the nations.

By 1916 Societies|2017-01-10T12:34:46+00:00January 12th, 2017|Opinion|Comments Off on ‘THE TIME IS NOW RIGHT TO RESTORE THE REPUBLIC’ – SEAN BRESNAHAN

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The Position of British Left wing Groups on British disengagement from Ireland is a key ctiterion for assessing the political position of their Irish sister bodies
From Their Websites:

Socialist Party UK (Trotskyist) (Irish Sister Bodies: SP(I) ,SP (NI), AAA (RoI), Labour Alternative (NI)
Socialism and Internationalism
• No to imperialist wars and occupations. (No of mention British Occupation of Ireland-PH)
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SWP UK (Trotskyist) Irish Sister Bodies SWP (I) PBP(I)
Against imperialism
Colin Barker continues his series on the ‘Where We Stand’ Socialist Workers Party statement of principles printed each week in Socialist Worker
“At many stop the war stalls British soldiers’ mothers and partners stop to sign petitions. They report what the soldiers themselves say: “We’re not there to help the Iraqis but to grab the oil.”At present Iraq is like a colony of the US, directly ruled on Washington’s orders. The US is building bases there, and trying to shape the new government. However, when direct US rule ends, imperialist control will continue.”-(No mention of British Occupation of Ireland-PH)
—————————————————————————————–
CP(UK) Irish Sister Organisation CP(I)
“The Communist Party supports the right of self-determination of the Irish people and campaigns for Britain to renounce all claims on Ireland.”
———————————————————————————————
Socialist Fight (Trotskyist) Irish Sister Organisation None
“As socialists living in Britain we take our responsibilities to support the struggle against British imperialism’s occupation of the six north-eastern counties of Ireland very seriously. For this reason we have assisted in founding the Irish Republican Prisoners Support Group and we will campaign for political status these Irish prisoners of war and for a 32-county united Socialist Ireland. We reject all ‘two nations in Ireland’ theories.”

——————————————

For An All-Ireland Constituent Assembly-Paddy Healy

As set out below, it is now clear that huge burdens are being imposed on Irish People North and South by foreign powers with the collusion of Irish political collaborators North and South. There is no shred of political sovereignty left to the Irish People with Westminister Rule being implemented in the north and Franco-German (EU) rule being implemented in the south. The obvious response should be a united All-Ireland Campaign Against Austerity and Cuts and  the linked issue of lack of sovereignty of the Irish People as a whole.

The will of the majority of the Irish People  cannot be expressed through British Institutions in the North and a 26-county parliament which lacks all sovereignty in the wake of the Fiscal Treaty

Hence to be effective the All-Ireland Campaign Against Austerity requires an All-Ireland Constituent Assembly to raise the campaign to a new level and bring ultimate success

The All-Ireland Parliament of 1919 was the culmination of over two years of struggle including an all-Ireland general strike against conscription.

We have two years before we commemorate the first meeting of the First Dail

Let Us create a new Constituent Assembly of All-Ireand-a genuine New  All-Ireland Dail to unite the Irish people against oppression and reclaim our unity and national sovereignty

DISCUSSION

Sean Bresnahan Omagh

Thanks Paddy. As many of us argued from the beginning, the Good Friday Agreement is an internal settlement that in no way breaches the supposed ‘constitutional integrity’ of the United Kingdom. It does not even contain transitional elements towards doing so, as indeed the Provisional leadership were forced to concede when they admitted at the internal discussions in its immediate wake that it was a transition to a transition – with transitory potential – at best. It in no way impacts the British sovereign claim to the Six Counties and indeed further entrenches it. The idea then that the consent of the devolved administrations, be it in Scotland or the North, should somehow be a prerequisite when entertaining matters of a ‘national’ concern was simply a case of chasing shadows to begin with. The UK Parliament rules supreme and this is reflected in the Northern Ireland Act in the sections dealing with constitutional change. It is clearly within the terms of that legislation that the British Parliament has sole constitutional authority. If, for instance, a border poll were to be held and won it would not necessarily effect a United Ireland. For it to do so it would require the assent of the British Parliament. Britain is in full control of this process and the devolved set-up was merely introduced as a stop-gap to contain nationalist sentiment in Scotland, and to a lesser degree in Wales. It certainly came in useful here as they basically used it to introduce a gravy train to pay of former opponents, pulling them into their system. The goal was to absorb republicans into the rule while republicanism and its agenda remained outside. They succeeded in doing so but it’s possible now that things are changing – moreso because of shifting sentiments in the South in terms of what the people living there consider should be the role of the state. The dynamic this could unleash has the potential to effect a paradigm shift but we will have to see. It could easily be contained by the carrot buying off sections. Trouble is (for the state that is) there seems no carrot left to offer.

Paddy Healy
Remove
Paddy Healy Dead Right, Seán. There is indeed a growing realisation that lack of sovereignty in Dublin is at the heart of continuing austerity

Sean Bresnahan Omagh:

‘Hence to be effective the All-Ireland Campaign Against Austerity requires an All-Ireland Constituent Assembly to raise the campaign to a new level and bring ultimate success.’
It is great to see the subject of a Constituent Assembly being raised but it’s worth noting that the purpose of such a body would not be to campaign against austerity – or anything else for that matter. Such a body would not be a campaigning tool of itself but the embodiment of the Government of the Irish Republic. The sole focus of a Constituent Assembly would be to draft a new constitution for all of Ireland upon the restoration of Irish sovereignty. What this requires is an all-Ireland election to a Third Dáil (not a second as it has already come to pass upon the 1921 Election) that will sit in Constituent Assembly and determine the constitutional form of the Republic.

Paddy Healy:

Some have argued that a new Constituent Assembly should focus solely on the formulation of a new constitution and that the Assembly would Constitute a Third Dail. I disagree. . You will note that on my blog, I refer to elections to a “genuine” Second Dáil. http://wp.me/pKzXa-Nj Principled republicans including myself do not recognise the 26-county parliament as a legitimate successor to the First Dail. The first Dail was crushed by the free staters with British assistance. The Free State Dáil accepted that 6 counties would remain under British rule. It even accepted a revision of the original boundary commission report giving back Tyrone and Fermanagh( originally allocated to the Free State) to the British. The Free State Dail also abandoned the democratic Programme of The First Dail. The Democratic Programme put human welfare before private property. The Free State constitution and the 1937 Constitution put private property first. This is a major obstacle to halting evictions. The sole focus of the First Dail was not the formulation of the Democratic Programme though thatwas an essential key task. The First Dail set up dual power structures throughout Ireland including republican courts. It also declared war on Britain. IT TOOK THE EXISTING STRUGGLE TO A NEW LEVEL. A new and genuine Constituent Assembly would indeed be required to draft a new 32-county constitution. Such a revolutionary body would only come into being as the product of a popular and rebellious campaign, just as occurred in the 1916 to 1919 period. But the British and the Franco-German imperialists woulld still be in power when the Constituent Assembly had drafted its constitutionjust as the British State was still in power when the Democratic Programme of the First Dáil was proclaimed on January 21, 1919. All attempts would have to be made to put the new constitution into effect. That means the British State and the Franco-German Alliance would have to be defeated by mass action.

Seán Bresnahan:

Indeed, and now we are getting closer to where we need to be in terms of the national movement. My view on what you have said is this:
Dáil Éireann was the National Assembly of the Irish people whose usurp was effected by the Government of Ireland Act and the subsequent Treaty of Surrender. The Treaty bowed to the legitimacy of the Act – at the expense of the Declaration of Irish Independence – when, to ratify its terms, its proponents assembled the Southern House of Commons, which the people had already rejected at the 1921 Election, empowering instead the Second Dáil elected thereof.
It is from here – that being British constitutional theory – that the current political order proceeds and not from the Republican Constitution, which is rooted in the 1916 Proclamation and the revolution that followed in its wake, culminating in the historic Declaration of Irish Independence at Dáil Éireann on 21st January 1919.
The struggle in Ireland at this time then is to restore the democratic / constitutional process – and with it the All-Ireland Republic. It is there within that Republic, of itself and as a lawfully-constituted entity, that the rights of the Irish people to national freedom and sovereignty set out under the Proclamation reside.
The election of a Third Dáil, to sit in Constituent Assembly – where the form and particulars of a new constitutional order would in turn be determined – would give effect to those rights. But absent a means to constitute such a process, while a worthy idea it remains just that – no more than a good idea.

To bridge that gap an All-Ireland Referendum could provide a mandate direct from the people, in recognition that constitutional authority resides within their number, overcoming thus the restraints imposed by the contrived partition system, whose governing purpose is to subvert that authority at the behest of external agencies. The purpose of such a referendum would be to restore the All-Ireland Republic, mandating in turn the required transition to a new constitutional order.

Such a referendum will neither come from or be beholden to the partition system of itself but instead will proceed direct from the people – of their rightful demand that they be free to determine their own affairs in an Independent and All-Ireland Republic upon restitution of Irish sovereignty and the renewal of the democratic process.

THOMAS ASHE  OMAGH

Paddy a chara, you are missing that the Second Dáil was a ‘genuine’ parliamentary sitting of the Irish Republic. Its members were elected by the Irish people in the 1921 election and it sat from August that year until June the following. What you are referring to is a need for a Second Irish Republic and not the All-Ireland Dáil of itself. The All-Ireland Dáil sat in two assemblies between 1919 and 1922. It and the Irish Republic were usurped by the Treaty of Surrender – which was never ratified by Dáil Éireann but by the Southern House of Commons under the Government of Ireland Act. What is required now then is that the Republican Constitution be restored by giving effect to a ‘Second Irish Republic’. The constitution of this republic can only be set forth by the Irish people and Constituent Assembly affords them the means to do so. Such a body would be representative of the Third All-Ireland Dáil, whose mandate would be to fulfil this function – overseeing in turn the transition required sitting as a Government of National Unity.

The Role of the National Question in the Irish Socialist Revolution- Paddy Healy

When I wrote this 12 months ago it got a very muted response. BUT . .

AFTER THE ELECTION OF TRUMP IT IS ClEARLY Correct

“Over reliance on foreign direct investment has further diminished sovereignty. As can be studied further down here,  it is widely understood that “the game is up” for reliance on foreign direct investment. The big powers, USA, Germay, France are now moving to change trade and tax rules in order to hall back the tax and jobs to their own countries. The 26-county state has no power to halt this process. It cannot replace foreign direct investment by state investment because of the restrictions on state borrowing contained in the Fiscal Treaty.”

It is widely believedon the left  that the national question has no further role in the fight or socialism in Ireland and in the wider world.

Nothing could be further from the truth. In fact the question of the independence and sovereignty of the Irish people has become the most pressing issue for workers and oppressed Irish people generally.

It is appropriate that this matter be seriously discussed in the trade union and republican movements on the centenary of the execution of James Connolly.

The only elected political representative who has pressed this issue either in the Dáil or, indeed, in the Stormont Assembly is Seamus Healy TD.

In the 6 counties it is very clear that in “Northern Ireland”, British government cuts are being implemented through the collaboration of Sinn Fein and the DUP.   No significant political formation has raised the issue of the sovereignty of the Irish people in the recent assembly elections. It is clear that further British cuts are on the way and Sinn Féin is claiming that it cannot resist them through the Stormot Executive!! This is against the backdrop of the massive decline of traditional industry in the region in recent decades. This leaves the 6-county economy hugely  dependent on public service employment which is now being cut.

In the 26-counties, adherence to the Fiscal Treaty, by the state with the support of FF, Fine Gael and Labour means that the state has negligible sovereignty to address the needs of the citizens in matters such as housing, health, education, capital investment etc.  The first sentence of the new programme for government stipulates that all measures in the programme are subject to the requirements of the Fiscal Treaty.  Sinn Féin and the left opposed the Fiscal Treaty in the referendum. Sinn Féin spokesperson Caoimhín Ó Caolain said in the Dail that the “treaty flies in the face of the 1916 Proclamation” in the matter of sovereignty. Yet the Sinn Fein manifesto in the recent General Election was framed within the restrictions of the Fiscal Treaty.

Over reliance on foreign direct investment has further diminished sovereignty. As can be studied further down here,  it is widely understood that “the game is up” for reliance on foreign direct investment. The big powers, USA, Germay, France are now moving to change trade and tax rules in order to hall back the tax and jobs to their own countries. The 26-county state has no power to halt this process. It cannot replace foreign direct investment by state investment because of the restrictions on state borrowing contained in the Fiscal Treaty.

Meanwhile the flow of money out of Ireland is increasing dramatically. IRELAND IS LITERALLY FOR SALE OR ALREADY SOLD OFF. In addition to the 7 billion Euro in interest which government is paying to service state debt, actual debt must now be payed down (not “rolled-Over”) under the Fisal Treaty.  BUT AT LEAST AS MUCH IS PROBABLY GOING OUT TO INTERNATIONAL INVESTORS,INCLUDING VULTURES, IN RENTS ON HOMES AND BUSINESSES, MORTGAGE AND OTHER LOAN REPAYMENTS ON HOMES, BUSINESSES, LAND. THIS FOLLOWS SELL-OFFS BY NAMA AND THE BANKS TO TEXAS CAPITAl, GERMAN ALLIANZ etc. The question arises: Is there a higher proportion of wealth created in Ireland going out of the country to-day than in the era of Michael Davitt and The LAND LEAGUE? This is almost certainly true, if account is taken of repatriation of profits by multinational companies. The outflow will increase further when the big powers force multi-nationals to repatriate profits tax as well!

A huge crisis of rule of the methods of capitalist rule is developing throughout the island of Ireland. The setting aside by the people of the FF/FG rotation in government is but the beginning of the crisis. The strong vote for candidates to the left of Sinn Fein in the poorer nationalist areas in the recent Assembly Election is but a flavour of what is to come in the 6-counties.

Historical Background

Henry Joy, Wolfe Tone, “the Boys of Wexford” though heroic did not succeed in establishing a sovereign independent republic in the process that led to the 1798 rebellion. France had become a single sovereign independent capitalist state in 1789 as feudalism was overthrown in the French Revolution.

The rebellions of 1848 and 1867 (fenians) were also unsuccessful.

When the 1916-1923 process loomed in Ireland, Britain, Germany, USA, Holland, Belgium etc had already established strong indigenous capitalist economies, had extensive colonies and had already begun an inter-imperialist war for markets.

Ireland was so far behind in economic development that the establishment of a viable independent  Irish capitalist economy and state was effectively impossible.

Some wrongly conclude that demands for Irish unity, sovereignty and independence are futile and out-dated. But nothing could be further from the truth.

What came after 1916 Rebellion? All-Ireland Elected Assembly 1918 Committed to Irish Unity, Independence and Sovereignty!!!!!!

——————————————————————————————————————————————————————–     SinnFéin, the biggest party in the 32-counties has a special duty to lead a United 32-County Mass Protest Movement Against Austerity North and South

THE ANSWER TO LONDON AND DUBLIN CUTS IS AN ALL-IRELAND MASS CAMPAIGN AGAINST AUSTERITY NORTH AND SOUTH!      IRISH PEOPLE UNITED AGAINST AUSTERITY!

Stand Up to London, Dublin and Brussels!     Assert Irish Independence and Sovereignty Now!
As the election in the 26-counties is now delayed, SF has the following dilemma
Will Sinn Féin either 1) allow welfare cuts through the Stormont Executive
2) Stay in the Executive while Tories impose cuts directly and seek wash their hands
3) Stand up to the Tories and tell Cameron that they will leave the executive if welfare cuts are imposed and launch an All-Ireland campaign against austerity?

1)or 2) would damage SF in Republic in the election and strengthen  all to the left of SF in the north

An All-Ireland Campaign against Austerity is the only answer!!! Sinn Féin has already agreed to major public service cuts in the Stormont House Agreement. An official one day general public service strike against the cuts has already  taken place.https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/390672/Stormont_House_Agreement.pdf     https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/390673/Stormont_House_Agreement_Financial_Annex.pdf As can be seen at the above links SF has agreed to eliminate huge number of public service jobs in the coming years. Voluntary redundancy of 3000 public servants is now in progress. These will not be replaced. SF has endorsed an Agreement which imposes a fine on the northern administration of 114 Million£ for each year that the 2013 welfare cuts are not imposed. Further welfare cuts by the Tory government are now in the pipe line. The current controversy is designed by Britain and Unionism to force Sinn Féin to be even more compliant. They have decided that while they cannot quite dispense with SF yet, they can weaken their support among the nationalist population by forcing SF to support unpopular measures as the price of remaining in the northern administration. THE ANSWER TO LONDON AND DUBLIN CUTS IS AN ALL-IRELAND MASS CAMPAIGN AGAINST AUSTERITY NORTH AND SOUTH Why the SF opposition to Welfare Cuts.? They have agreed to bigger financial cuts in the Stormont House Agreement.The first answer lies in the caste system. The dole  is a huge issue among nationalists currently and historically. Welfare cuts would seriously damage Sinn Féin support in nationalist areas. SDLP did not fully endorse the Stormont House Agreement. SDLP is not yet prepared to support welfare cuts either. Welfare cuts weigh more heavily on the nationalist population and in the northern caste system is perceived to be an anti-nationalist measure. If SF caves in to the pressure they will open the door to other political forces in nationalist areas. Welfare Cuts would also damage SF in the south.It is true that most nationalist and unionist citizens are not enamoured of the northern assembly.But that does not mean that if welfare cuts were imposed that there would not be a big political reaction among nationalists against any party which remains in the administration while LONDON imposes the cuts.THE ANSWER TO LONDON AND DUBLIN CUTS IS AN ALL-IRELAND MASS CAMPAIGN AGAINST AUSTERITY NORTH AND SOUTH

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