“The Republican war for freedom was not a criminal enterprise, as presented by those who allowed the Hunger Strikers to go to their deaths, and such painful deaths.
The Republican war for freedom carried not only a moral right — of the dispossessed and downtrodden; of the colonised and occupied. It carried the lawful right and authority of the Irish Republic. The criminal in Ireland was and remains Britain.
Those ten men suffered death to uphold the right of the Republic, their demand to be treated as political prisoners — to be afforded the status thus warranted — born of the enduring reality that they were not mere British criminals, as labelled, but Irish soldiers.
They went to their deaths asserting that Britain had no right or title to Ireland — that her actions in Ireland had no lawful basis.
It remains the case.”
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We’ll have a united Ireland by 2016, says McGuinness!
Dominic Cunningham
Irish Independent, November 18 2003 12:11 AM
A UNITED Ireland by 2016 is on the cards, Sinn Fein’s Martin McGuinness predicted last night.
With nine days left to the North’s Assembly Election, the Mid Ulster MP said at his party’s manifesto launch republicans could attain their goal by the centenary of the 1916 Easter Rising.
“As we develop the north-south implementation bodies and people co-operate and work together, I think people will see more and more the logic of that,” Mr McGuinness said.
“Certainly it is our view that it can be accomplished over a short period. Gerry Adams has said 2016 and I think that is achievable.”
Sinn Fein’s manifesto, unveiled yesterday, called on the Irish Government to produce a Green Paper soon on unity.
The party also vowed to:
* Create more cross-border implementation bodies on policing, justice, agriculture, rural development, the social economy, pollution control, mental health, further and higher education, communications infrastructure and energy.
* Secure representation in the Oireachtas and voting rights for people in Northern Ireland in Irish Presidential elections.
Mr McGuinness’s united Ireland prediction was challenged by unionists.
The Democratic Unionist MP for North Belfast Nigel Dodds reacted: “Sinn Fein will not be getting their united Ireland.
“The unionist people will stand steadfast.
“The Sinn Fein manifesto is another wish list of concessions to republicans but many unionists will be saying: Haven’t they had enough concessions? When is it all going to end?”
Ulster Unionist David McNarry dismissed Mr McGuinness’s comments as a “pipe dream”.
“My children’s grandchildren won’t even see a united Ireland,” the Strangford Assembly candidate said.
“Catholics I am talking to on the doorsteps aren’t interested and many are voting unionist.
“The recent census figures dashed any republican hopes of a united Ireland. It would be more honest for them to tell their supporters that they are working for peace here and have ended their armed struggle to achieve a unitary state.”
Sinn Fein continued to clash with the rival SDLP over the issue of how their supporters should vote in the proportional representation election.
With transfers between candidates down the ballot paper likely to determine the final seats in Northern Ireland’s 18 constituencies, Sinn Fein chairman Mitchel McLaughlin said his party wanted to maximise the nationalist vote.
However, he accused the SDLP of turning its back on a nationalist voting pact.
Martin McGuinness also criticised the SDLP, insisting he had not heard his nationalist rivals encouraging their supporters to transfer to Sinn Fein.
However, the SDLP’s director of elections Brid Rodgers denied there had been any formal offer of a voting pact.
Speaking at the launch of the election manifesto, Mr McGuinness also said the republican peace strategy was delivering and the electorate had backed his party in growing numbers, making them the third largest party on the island.
The Sinn Fein manifesto focus is firmly fixed on Irish unity, the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and equality.
Mr McGuinness said he looked forward to Irish unity by 2016 and called for a Green Paper on this issue to be brought forward by the Dublin government.
Mr McGuinness insisted his party was the engine for change.
The manifesto promised to work for a new beginning on policing and the devolution of policing and justice powers and said it would work on issues such as eradicating child poverty and appointing a senior citizens commissioner.
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Britain ‘could triple state aid for industry under EU rules’-The Guardian today
BUT BREXIT Supporting DUP Westminster MP BLAMES EU RULES For Failure Of Boris Johnson to Rescue Harland and Wolff !!!!
British Government has a majority of only 1 Vote in the House of Commons, so Gavin Robinson MP Holds the Balance of Power HIMSELF!!!!!
The shipyard is in the heart of loyalist east Belfast – and the area’s MP Gavin Robinson is a member of the DUP. https://wp.me/pKzXa-tz
Mr Robinson joined shipyard workers at the site today.
He said: “We share the disappointment that they have that there has not been a resolution and rescue package that we had advocated for and that we had hoped for.”
He said today did not mark the end of Harland and Wolff.
“There is a future there and we need to seize it to make sure that it is not only beneficial for the workforce more broadly, but for the city and economy as a whole.”
He said rescue efforts floundered because of EU rules surrounding state aid, due to the lack of time available and the inability of a non-profitable company to accept a loan.
Administrators appointed to Harland and Wolff shipyard in Belfast
Monday, 5 Aug 2019
Workers have vowed to continue their occupation of the shipyard
Administrators have been appointed to the Harland and Wolff shipyard in Belfast.
Once the world’s largest producer of ocean liners, including the Titanic, the firm’s owners will file for insolvency tomorrow.
Harland and Wolff once employed more than 30,000 people and led the world in the production of cruise liners.
But it now employs just over 120 and has been facing severe financial problems for some time.
It had been up for sale but no buyer has been found so administrators have been appointed.
Workers have maintained a round-the-clock demonstration at the gates of the shipyard for the last week in hopes of a last-minute deal to save it.
Staff had been given redundancy notices explaining that the firm would cease trading today.
Unions representing staff have called for the shipyard to be renationalised.
They have urged the DUP, whose support keeps British prime minister Boris Johnson in power, to use its influence.
They have also warned of possible political consequences – saying workers may stand candidates against the DUP in any forthcoming British general election.
The shipyard is in the heart of loyalist east Belfast – and the area’s MP Gavin Robinson is a member of the DUP.
Mr Robinson joined shipyard workers at the site today.
He said: “We share the disappointment that they have that there has not been a resolution and rescue package that we had advocated for and that we had hoped for.”
He said today did not mark the end of Harland and Wolff.
“There is a future there and we need to seize it to make sure that it is not only beneficial for the workforce more broadly, but for the city and economy as a whole.”
He said rescue efforts floundered because of EU rules surrounding state aid, due to the lack of time available and the inability of a non-profitable company to accept a loan.
This evening, the Harland and Wolff workers voted to continue their occupation of the shipyard.
They emerged from a meeting chanting “Save our shipyard” before confirming the outcome of the vote.
Steel worker and union representative Joe Passmore said: “The workforce have told us they wish to continue with the occupation of this plant until such times as we find a way to continue shipbuilding and heavy industry in Belfast.”
Ulster Unionist MLA Andy Allen was also at the gates of Harland and Wolff.
“We have seen empty platitudes from the government so far, they need to step up to the mark, they really need to take this by the mantle and deliver for this workforce, the Secretary of State hiding behind Europe and the Prime Minister not coming out and delivering for this workforce will have a massive impact and massive ramification for the wider community here in east Belfast, but not only east Belfast, right across Northern Ireland,” he said.
“We as politicians need to step up to the mark, I’ve said before I believe it is a dereliction of duty that we are not up there in the Assembly delivering for the men and women of the shipyard and the rest of the manufacturing industry right across Northern Ireland and indeed every family, we have 125,000 people on the hospital waiting list and we are failing them. It is not acceptable.”
The Irish Congress of Trade Unions expressed its support for the Harland and Wolff workforce.
Assistant General Secretary Owen Reidy said: “On this day, the entire trade union movement across these islands stands as one with the workers at the shipyard.
“Since this crisis began a few days ago, there has been a huge outpouring of moral support and solidarity from trade union activists and leaders, with rallies, media events, political lobbies and even family entertainment for the workers and their families.
“There has been some substantial political support from local political parties, from Belfast City Council and from the UK Labour Party.
“Sadly, that support has not been matched by the new UK government, and it is time for the new NI Secretary of State to take action to preserve those jobs and to invest in skilled manufacturing.
“Nothing, except political will, prevents the UK government nationalising the shipyard, and maintaining it as a going concern until further contracts can be competed for and awarded.”
Additional reporting: PA
————————————————————People Before Profit Goes Republican-Comes out for a United Ireland (Not Just A Socialist United Ireland)!!! https://wp.me/pKzXa-tz
This DOES NOT MEAN that PBPA has abandoned the goal of a socialist united Ireland. There is no contradiction, Following James Connolly, I am unconditionally for a united sovereign Ireland, But I fight for a 32-County Workers Republic which I believe is the only form it can take
(See Lessons of the Civil War for to-Day on this blog)
Can SP Partition Based Fronts- Solidarity and Cross Community Labour Alternative- Continue to Be Associated with Them In Dáil??
Gillian Brien PBPA Candidate in Dublin Constituency
“A hard border is totally unacceptable to the majority of the people of Ireland. It would be fundamentally anti-democratic and risks increasing sectarian tensions on the island. Only the dinosaurs of the Democratic Unionist Party would welcome it because they want to strengthen partition – even if it leads to economic losses.
• In such a crisis situation, it becomes imperative to unite as many people as possible behind a campaign of ‘people power’ to demand a border poll.
• In such a referendum, People Before Profit will argue that the end of partition is the only secure way to avoid a hard border.
• That is why we shall also push for a simultaneous referendum in the South to create a new People’s Constituent Assembly for a new united Ireland to replace the conservative and crony legacy of the Southern state.”
———————————————————-Designation of 24 Independents Elected in 6-County Local Elections
These designations may not be fully exact . They Have been compiled with the help of the column of Daithí McKay on Slugger O’Toole (link below) followed by my inspection of candidates’ facebook sites. People with local knowledge are invited to make corrections
Independent Republican, Gary Donnelly was returned in The Moor, Derry
Ind Republican Paul Gallagher will be joined by Raymond Barr,Foyleside, Derry and Strabane
Ind Republicans Bernice Swift , John McCluskey, Fermanagh
Mark Gibbons Formerly of Sinn Fein, Jarlath Tinnelly (Independent Nationalist?) Crotlieve, Newry and Mourne
Independent Republican Gavin Malone Newry
Independent Republicans Barry Monteith and Dan Kerr Mid-Ulster
Bobby Hadden – Independent Community Candidate, Knockagh
Ballymena Community Candidates Independent councillor James Henry and Rodney Quigley
Omagh Dr Josephine Deehan,Former SDLP CLLR
Emmet McAleer Local Greencastle Anti-Gold Mining Candidate
Michael Stewart Local Ballyclare Community Candidate-Love Ballyclare Facebook Page)
Jimmy Menagh Declared Independent Unionist NewtownArds
Henry Reilly former UKIP The Mournes
Cadogan Enright Former Green Party Downpatrick
Independent Unionist candidate Cllr Paul Berry –former Unionist Cllr
Sean Carr Independent Pro-life Candidate, Foyleside
Ray McKimm Bangor Before Politics Community Candidate
Tom Smith Indepent (Unionist) Bangor East
Ballycastle Community Candidate Ambrose Laverty
——————————————————————–I have been trying to get definitive results but it is a nightmare. This arises because the designation of sitting councillors and elected councillors is far less clear “up there than down here”. This is not only among “independents” https://wp.me/pKzXa-tz
WIKIPEDIA NI LOCAL ELECTIONS 2019 DUP 122 (-8) SF 105(NC) SDLP 59(-7) ALPNI 53(+21) GRN 8(+4) TUV 6(-4) PBPA 5(+4) PUP 3(-1) No other details but by deduction from 462 seats totalOthers 61 (+39)
RTE DUP 122(-8) SF 105(NC) SDLP 59(-7) UUP75(-13) AlPNI 53(+21) No Other details
it would appear that the majority for “remain” in the 6 counties has held up or strengthened
I have been trying to get definitive results but it is a nightmare. This arises because the designation of sitting councillors and elected councillors is far less clear “up there than down here”. This is not only among “independents”. In my researches I have designated by party all but 24 “independents” but Wikipedia by deduction has Others 61!
There is a clear movement of NON-DUP unionist supporters, including unionist independents, to Alliance and Greens. BBC is now saying as I write that there has been “a diversification” of the nationalist vote. This is probably right . There has been gains by independent republicans and PBPA. PBPA launched an anti-harder border mass action campaign in advance of the elections. This seems to have laid the ghost of taking seats at westminister and supporting Lexit. PBPA are putting on a more nationalist face after the debacle of the Westminister election. PBA is a 32-county political formation.PBA-Solidarity is purely a Dáil numbers (Priority Speaking rights) device. Not alone are they not aligned up north, Solidarity does not exist “up there”. It is called Cross Community Labour Alternative (no all-Ireland connotations to offend unionists). CCLA gained a seat in Enniskillen through Donal O’Cofaigh, a very active trade unionist.. His personal connections to Irish nationalism are clear.
In an election in the recent past CCLA has had 6 candidates in Belfast and east of the Bann. On this occasion they had a single candidate who got a paltry 160 votes, a tenth of a quota. CCLA is gone as an electoral force, if it ever was such, in Belfast
WIKIPEDIA NI LOCAL ELECTIONS 2019 DUP 122 (-8) SF 105(NC) SDLP 59(-7) ALPNI 53(+21) GRN 8(+4) TUV 6(-4) PBPA 5(+4) PUP 3(-1) No other details but by deduction from 462 seats totalOthers 61 (+39)
RTE DUP 122(-8) SF 105(NC) SDLP 59(-7) UUP75(-13) AlPNI 53(+21) No Other details
John Crawley gave the Easter address at the commemoration for Jim Murphy in Derrylin Co Fermanagh. https://wp.me/pKzXa-tz
“The degree to which Britain succeeded in nurturing a loyal nationalist opposition can be seen in the Irish Parliamentary Party’s policy of harnessing Ireland to England’s war chariot in 1914 and John Redmond’s description of the 1916 rising as treason against the Irish people.
Sinn Fein have joined the SDLP as inheritors of this legacy. Both parties fuel the Redmondite renaissance in the Six Counties which internalises British constitutional constraints and conditions on Irish freedom. More than that, they have rewritten and redefined the very concept of unity.”
One hundred and three years ago this Easter a courageous band of Irish Volunteers set in motion a train of events they hoped would lead to the full measure of Irish freedom. Their aims and objectives were set out in a stirring Proclamation which called for the establishment of a government of National unity based upon the republican principles of popular sovereignty and democracy. It outlined the republican position that Irish constitutional authority resided exclusively within the Irish people. That, ‘the unfettered control of Irish destinies’ must be ‘sovereign and indefeasible’. And it confirmed the republican tradition of good government being constituted in the interests of the public welfare guaranteeing, ‘religious and civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities’ to all citizens and declaring its resolve, ‘to pursue the happiness and prosperity of the whole nation and all its parts.’ It positioned national unity and democracy as core values calling for a ‘National Government, representative of the whole people of Ireland, and elected by the suffrages of all her men and women…’ It declared its intention to forge a national unity that would end British divide and rule strategies by remaining determinedly, ‘…oblivious of the differences carefully fostered by an alien Government, which have divided a minority from the majority in the past.” Every Irishman who signed that Proclamation was executed by the British.
In December 1918 the Irish people in the 32-Counties voted overwhelming for a Sinn Féin manifesto that endorsed the Proclamation of the Irish Republic. The manifesto declared that, ‘the right of a nation to sovereign independence rests upon immutable natural law and cannot be made the subject of a compromise’. Britain responded with the Government of Ireland Act 1920 which partitioned Ireland and formally legislated for the fact that the British government rejected the concept of majority all Ireland opinion. Britain made it clear that the principle of consent did not exist for the Irish nation as a whole and the only principle they would recognise was the Unionist veto in the Six-Counties. The 1918 General Election was the last time the British government would permit the national will to be tested in an Ireland comprising one political unit.
After years of injustice and witnessing Civil Rights marchers being beaten off the streets by British State forces IRA volunteers in the North picked up the gun that IRA volunteers in the South had dropped before the job was finished.
As we stand on the cusp of Britain placing a second border in Ireland republicans across the country will be taking stock and re-examining how we got where we are and how we get to where we need to be.
The holy grail of the British conquest of Ireland has always been about achieving democratic title to its authority. As early as 1799 Undersecretary Edward Cooke wrote to the British Prime Minister William Pitt regarding concerns about Irish MPs swamping the House of Commons should the Act of Union be approved:
By giving the Irish a hundred members in an Assembly of six hundred and fifty they will be impotent to operate upon that Assembly, but it will be invested with Irish assent to its authority.
Nationalists could always be found who would work through British law to implement British strategy. Nurturing a loyal nationalist leadership has been a major strategic objective for the British government since the Act of Union. Britain began by shaping the leadership of nationalist Ireland’s most important institution the Catholic church. It permitted Maynooth seminary to be established in 1795 in order to prevent priests travelling to the continent and becoming exposed to democratic and republican ideas. All students and staff pledged loyalty to the British Crown and took an oath which declared:
…I will do my utmost endeavour to disclose and make known to his Majesty, and his heirs, all treasons and traitorous conspiracies, which may be formed against him or them….
Richard Lalor Shiel addressing the House of Commons on the occasion of the Maynooth Grant of 1845 said:
…Are not lectures at Maynooth cheaper than State prosecutions? Are not professors less costly than Crown solicitors? Is not a large standing army and a great constabulary force more expensive than the moral police force with which by the priesthood of Ireland you can be thriftily and efficaciously supplied?
By the 1860s British strategy had paid off. The Irish Hierarchy recognised the British government as the only lawful and legitimate authority in Ireland and welcomed the advantages of Empire.
Also emerging in power and status was a rising Catholic class of professionals and large farmers who wanted their slice of the pie and cared little whether it was baked in an Irish or British oven. Many in this class had done well out of the famine. They wanted managerial control of a state administration even if it amounted to nothing more than a regional assembly within the United Kingdom.
The degree to which Britain succeeded in nurturing a loyal nationalist opposition can be seen in the Irish Parliamentary Party’s policy of harnessing Ireland to England’s war chariot in 1914 and John Redmond’s description of the 1916 rising as treason against the Irish people.
Sinn Fein have joined the SDLP as inheritors of this legacy. Both parties fuel the Redmondite renaissance in the Six Counties which internalises British constitutional constraints and conditions on Irish freedom. More than that, they have rewritten and redefined the very concept of unity.
The principal difference between Nationalists and Republicans can be summed up in the nationalist concept of ‘sharing this island’ and the republican concept of ‘uniting our country’.
‘Sharing this island’ means finding agreement between nationalists and unionists on a ‘New Ireland’ whose institutions would be predicated on all the old divisions. Uniting our country means building a national coalition of citizens who are politically Irish whatever their provenance or creed.
In ‘sharing this island’ we are being asked to share in the colonial legacy of British imperialism. Most Nationalists believe that British interference ends with the winning of a nationalist majority in a border poll. That is not true.
The Good Friday Agreement is based on the principle that the model of Ireland as one nation is a discredited concept and ensures Britain continues to sabotage our national cohesion even after a nationalist electoral majority is reached in the Six-Counties.
Section 1, subsection VI, of the GFA states the parties to the agreement:
…recognise the birthright of all the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves and be accepted as Irish or British, or both, as they may so choose, and accordingly confirm that their right to hold both British and Irish citizenship is accepted by both Governments and would not be affected by any future change in the status of Northern Ireland.
In a nutshell, an Irish citizen born in any of the six north-eastern counties in a future united Ireland can be considered a British national. This is a consequence of the dis-united Ireland envisioned by the Good Friday Agreement as opposed to the united Ireland of the Republic declared in 1916 and nationally mandated in 1918. The British-Irish agreement, which gives legal force to the all-party agreement, is an internationally recognised treaty between London and Dublin that Ireland will never forge a united national citizenship. This is what Gerry Adams was referring to when he said in 2015 that a United Ireland, “may not be the one traditionally envisaged over the years” and that there would be Orange parades in a United Ireland.
He went on to say, “We need to be able to consider transitional arrangements which could mean continued devolution to Belfast within an all-island structure.”
Neither Sinn Fein, nor any party to the agreement, will be considering transitional arrangements. These arrangements were already decided upon over twenty years ago between London and Dublin and are not transitional. Any alteration can only be agreed by the two governments.
Just as the Anglo-Irish Treaty negotiations did not begin until after the British had already partitioned Ireland the Good Friday negotiations did not begin until Britain had already determined the parameters of their outcome in the Downing Street Declaration of 1993 and the Framework Documents of 1995.
I was a republican prisoner in Portlaoise prison when reports first came in of the Hume-Adams dialogue. I was asked by a senior republican my opinion on that. I answered facetiously, “as long as Hume comes away with Adam’s analysis and Adam’s doesn’t leave with Hume’s.” I was joking of course. I believed the republican analysis was so clearly correct that those tasked with leading us could be trusted to win a debate in any forum. Not in my wildest dreams could I, or many others, anticipate the degree to which the Provisional leadership would internalise ‘Humespeak’ and begin talking about a disunited Agreed Ireland as opposed to a united Republican Ireland.
John Hume was the principal sales rep on the nationalist side pushing the line that Ireland contained two traditions who would continue to be policed apart by Crown forces until such time they could come together and agree an internal settlement on British terms. Writing in the Irish Times as far back as June 1974 Hume said:
If we get an agreed Ireland that is unity. What constitutional or institutional forms such an agreed Ireland takes is irrelevant because it would represent agreement by the people of this country as to how they should be governed.’
Hume insisted that any agreement on an internal settlement should be passed by referenda North and South. He hoped this would decisively undermine the legitimacy of the republican position by trumping the result of the 1918 election which led to the formation of a 32-County Dáil Eireann. What many forget is that when the Good Friday referenda took place in May 1998 the two jurisdictions voted on separate questions. The North voted on the all-party agreement while the South voted on removing Articles 2 and 3 of their constitution. Northern Secretary Mo Mowlam made it clear that if any dispute arose only the vote in the North would count. One Fine Gael TD and former Dublin government minister got completely carried away with himself declaring that the results of the referenda were, ‘the purest form of self-determination ever given by the Irish people’. Yet English Northern Secretaries, who between them had never received as much as a single vote in the whole of Ireland, were able to suspend the Executive at will with no reference to the Irish electorate. The then Taoiseach Bertie Ahearn also displayed a tenuous grasp on reality when he announced that the Good Friday Agreement effectively took Britain out of the equation in deciding Ireland’s future. Brexit reveals the delusion in that sentiment. British Prime Ministers David Cameron and Theresa May have both re-stated the UK government position that they will never be neutral on the Union.
Hume’s analysis was based on a number of strategic miscalculations:
➽Firstly, that the United Kingdom government is neutral on the Union. How many British prime ministers have to deny that before the penny drops? Related to this was Hume’s theory that the British government has no strategic interest in remaining in Ireland. Hume knew the Provisional leadership needed a declaration along these lines to sell the notion to the grass roots that the Brits had a change of heart and were looking for a way out. Peter Brooke duly obliged with a slippery statement that the British government had ‘no selfish strategic or economic interest in remaining in Northern Ireland’. The Brits were simply stating their interests here weren’t selfish but nationalists leapt on this as a declaration of intent to reconsider their position in Ireland. With the issuing of this statement John Hume believed he had won the argument. Gerry Adams believed he had won the war.
➽Secondly, that the British government has no fundamental problem in principal with a united Ireland. This, at least, is true. England ran a united Ireland for hundreds of years. Ran it into the ground. A united Ireland under the Crown that resulted in what one French sociologist called ‘a nation of paupers’. A united Ireland that brought us conquest and colonisation, famine, partition, all-Ireland institutions such as the work houses and all-Ireland police services such as the RIC and the Black and Tans. Republicans have to be generous on that score and admit Britain has no problem whatsoever with a united Ireland. Britain does have a big problem, however, with the establishment of a 32-County national government. It outlawed the last one we had in 1919 and will only recognise partitionist assemblies north and south which it legislated into existence and then organised and equipped to attack the armed forces of our national parliament in the First and Second Dáils.
➽Thirdly, that Irish Unionists are the British presence. Irish unionists are not the British presence. They were not born in Britain, they do not live in Britain and most have never visited Britain. If holding British citizenship while residing in Ireland defines the British presence then by that logic the entire Irish population prior to 1949 was the British presence. Are Nationalists in the North who hold a British passport the British presence? Or is residing in Ireland as a pro-British Protestant the criteria? If so, Britain still has a substantial presence in the 26-Counties. ‘British’ is a political construct not an ethnic one. It has been described as an imperial euphemism for England. The fact is when Irish republicans speak about removing the British presence we are referring to the UK government’s claim to sovereignty in Ireland and the military and civil apparatus that makes that possible. Ireland belongs to all who live in it. Not a bit of it belongs to Britain.
➽Fourthly, that we must honour the British tradition in Ireland as an integral part of our national fabric. A tradition is a belief or behaviour that holds special or symbolic significance in the evolution of one’s national character. Britishness in Ireland did not evolve as a national tradition, it was imposed by another country in an act of conquest and colonisation. Irish Protestantism, on the other hand, is an important tradition integral to our national fabric and represented in our national flag. A flag that symbolises peace between Catholics and Protestants in a government of national unity. It was never intended to represent a pact between Nationalists and Unionists that Britain remains regardless of what the Irish agree.
Of course, these strategic errors are issues of concern only to a republican. We dissent from a strategy based upon one political miscalculation after another. On the other hand, careerists in the nationalist community interested far more in leveraging themselves into positions of power and influence see no problem at all with it. One doesn’t spend years going to the best schools and working hard to receive third level qualifications to go to an early grave or prison cell resisting the occupation. Far better to accept that somewhere along the line, in a mythical moment never defined, Britain obtained democratic credentials in Ireland. It achieved political and moral legitimacy over whatever section of the Irish people it could control. It’s laws elevated to a moral imperative and the constabularies enforcing those laws invested with the sole monopoly on the lawful use of force.
Britain’s claim to be in Ireland to protect the gerrymandered wish of Six-County Unionism is a feeble alibi. England’s conquest of Ireland began centuries before the concept of Britishness was formed in the early 18th century and long before any plantations were contemplated. Britain won no argument in Ireland. It achieved no mandate for its presence. In the words of Roger Casement, ‘conquest has no title’. Every pretension to sovereignty is the result of theft, coercion or gerrymander. Yet, these pretentions are recognised as lawful and legitimate by every stakeholder in the Good Friday Agreement including a Dublin government which continually claims a national mandate from a Twenty-Six county electorate.
The British state is at heart a sectarian state. It was the British who injected the sectarian dynamic into Irish politics. The term ‘British’ only came into vogue after the Acts of Union in 1707 which united the kingdoms and legislatures of Scotland and England into the Parliament of Great Britain. Central to the Acts was the restatement of the Act of Settlement of 1701 which banned Catholics from becoming monarch. The identification of Britishness with Protestantism was enshrined in law. The ban on a Roman Catholic being head of state remains in force.
It was the Crown, the symbol of British sovereignty, that expropriated Irish land for the plantation of six Ulster counties. The plantation was an act of ethnic cleansing carried out so that Ulster would never again rise on behalf of Ireland. That she would be turned from a beacon of resistance to a bulwark against it. A plantation that would become a permanent dagger aimed at the heart of national cohesion and unity. That is why the Crown is so important in Unionist iconography. Why it adorns Orange banners and why Arlene Foster wears a Crown broach in her public appearances. It symbolises the twin pillars of plantation Protestantism, confiscation and sectarian supremacy.
Irish Protestants inspired, not by the plantation but by the enlightenment, were the founding fathers of Irish Republicanism. These patriots did not accept that being Protestant meant they were British. Wolfe Tone and Thomas Russell didn’t accept it. Nor did Henry Joy McCracken. Robert Emmet, the protestant who led the 1803 rebellion, didn’t accept it. Nor did the protestants who founded the Young Irelanders, nor the protestants who helped establish the Irish Republican Brotherhood nor did Thomas Davis, the protestant who wrote ‘A Nation Once Again’.
The Good Friday Agreement was not negotiated by republicans. It was negotiated by the two governments. The provisional leadership were only brought in to discuss the modalities of decommissioning republican mindsets and disbanding the Irish Republican Army.
During the course of many meetings the republican grass roots were told by the provisional leadership that we had to ‘move on’. What they meant was we had to move away. Away from the belief in a united, democratic and sovereign republic. Away from the belief that Ireland, all of it, is a separate nation and has the right to defend itself. We were advised not to be coming to meetings uttering slogans and spouting clichés. They were referring to clichés that contained inspirational quotes from republican proclamations and the pantheon of republican icons. We were issued with new clichés, “get your head around it”, “what’s the alternative”, “think outside the box”. The box, of course, was republican doctrine. We were instructed to think inside a new box designed by the London and Dublin governments. Republican ex-prisoners were told to show leadership. By leadership they meant divesting ourselves of the moral courage to question the path they were taking us on. Despite being constantly assured the leadership ‘had a strategy’ the fact remained it was the British government who had the strategy. The Provisionals simply internalised it and their political snake oil salesmen flogged it to the grass roots as the only cure for partition.
The traditional enemy of Irish republicanism is the British government. The traditional enemy of Irish nationalism, especially in the Six Counties, is Irish unionism. Anything that upset unionists, which amounted to nearly everything, was seen as a win for nationalists and fodder for the notion that the provisional project was working. Veteran SDLP members complained that Sinn Féin swallowed them up but it was the other way around. SDLP political careerists are thinking only in terms of lost seats which Sinn Féin hoovered up by following Parnell’s successful tactic of placing a fighting edge on a moderate demand. The ‘New Ireland’ espoused by Sinn Féin is SDLP dogma to the core.
The Brits have boxed this off beautifully. Not only is calling a border poll contingent on the opinion of an English politician who didn’t know where Ireland was two years ago, but if nationalists win a majority the Good Friday Agreement ensures that the divisions carefully fostered by an alien government remain at the heart of the ‘New’ Ireland.
A key British objective has long been to engineer a situation in which all parties to the conflict agree, or are perceived to agree, with London’s analysis about the nature of the conflict. The irony in all this is that since the joint referenda on the Good Friday Agreement Britain now claims to be implementing and defending the democratic wishes of the Irish people.
Nationalist thought leaders who populate the Good Friday commentariat attempt to define political maturity as the ability to internalise Britain’s spin on Irish democracy. They urge us to join with them in moving on though few ever stood with us in the first place. Republicans have no desire to reach their destination and they haven’t the courage to reach ours.
Propagandists, foreign and domestic, attempt to portray republicans who don’t support the Good Friday Agreement as opponents of ‘peace’. What we are opposed to is legitimising a contract that there will always be an England in Ireland. The British appear confident that, with their help, all-island nationalism will stifle united Ireland republicanism. We shall see.
———————————————————–DERRY ECONOMIC INDICATORS
UNEMPLOYMENT
When it comes to jobs, Derry is a statistical outlier – having suffered from the highest unemployment of any city in the UK for years. The latest Labour Force Report (Feb 2018, covering the period Oct-Dec 2017) shows that the Foyle constituency has an unemployment rate that is more than twice that of the Northern Irish average (7.9% vs 3.8%).
The same PWC report also ranked Derry bottom of the UK’s 57 cities, and identified it as one of only two cities not to see any improvement in performance since the 2011-2013 study.
Broader economic measures also point to Derry being an anomaly within the UK. The consultancy firm PWC publishes an annual ‘Good Growth for Cities’ report to rank the UK’s cities according to various factors that constitute their economic well-being. PWC’s 2017 report (covering the period 2014-16) placed Belfast mid-table in the UK in terms of economic health – with above-average performances in jobs, transport, home ownership and income distribution, but an overall score that was just below the UK average. The same report also ranked Derry bottom of the UK’s 57 cities, and identified it as one of only two cities (along with Swansea) not to see any improvement in performance since the 2011-2013 study. Referring to both Swansea and Derry, PWC concluded that “These cities have not seen reductions in unemployment on the same scale as their peers, and have seen worsening scores in areas such as health, work-life balance and income equality”.
——————————————————————————————————————————–Soldiers who killed during Northern Ireland Troubles acted with dignity, says British NI Secretary, Karen Bradleyhttps://wp.me/pKzXa-tz
Belfast Telegraph By Andrew Madden March 6 2019
The Secretary of State Karen Bradley has said killings carried out by members of the security forces during the Troubles in Northern Ireland were not crimes, but people carrying out their duties “in a dignified and appropriate way”.
The comments come a week before the Public Prosecution Service is due to decide on whether soldiers involved in the Bloody Sunday killings will face prosecution.
————————————————————-Seamus Healy TD Speaking on Brexit Bills in Dáil Feb 27, 2019. https://wp.me/pKzXa-tz
The problems now arising due to Brexit are consequences of the failure to create a united and sovereign 32-county Ireland. The danger to Irish people of allowing part of the island of Ireland to remain under British sovereignty now and in the future could not be clearer…. The 1916 leaders were right. We should ensure that a 32-county sovereign Republic is built and we should set our sights on that from now on.
Full Speech https://wp.me/pKzXa-tz
The imposition of a hard border by Britain, the EU or the Government will be met by mass mobilisation. Hardening of the Border will simply not be accepted. I also believe that Britain should be told that there will be no dumping of radioactive waste on the island of Ireland. It appears that the UK Government has earmarked a site in the Mourne Mountains for this purpose.
There is nothing, however, in this legislation to protect living standards. Those living on State pensions and other social welfare payments, as well as low-paid workers, would be very badly hit in that situation. People in those categories spend almost their entire income on everyday purchases, including food. Price rises will have to be matched, at a minimum, with increases in pay and welfare payments. The minimum wage must be sharply increased. This legislation, omitting such provisions, demonstrates to me that this Government has a continuing bias towards the wealthy in our society.
Full Speech
I welcome the opportunity to speak on the Withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union (Consequential Provisions) Bill 2019. As other speakers have stated, this is a Bill everyone hopes will not be needed and will not be implemented. It is emergency legislation. There is certainly much worry and concern in the country regarding what might happen if Brexit occurs, whether that is no-deal or a softer type of Brexit. There will certainly be difficulties for Ireland in either case. I think it is late in the day to be bringing this legislation into the Chamber. It is now a very tight timescale. I wonder if there is actually enough time for proper consultation on this Bill. I note that other European countries that will be affected by Brexit, but not anything like as badly as Ireland, have already got their legislation in place for some months now.
Many of the provisions in the legislation are obviously necessary and many are not controversial. That includes areas such as pensions, student supports, healthcare and the common travel area, which will now be put on a statutory footing. That is an important element, particularly as more than 500,000 people born in Ireland now live in Britain. Various parts and provisions of the Bill are reasonably straightforward and non-controversial. Sometimes, however, what is not in a Bill can be as important, and perhaps even more important, than what is in a Bill.
Two elements in the legislation stand out for me. The first is what appears to be, or amounts to, a corporate bailout aspect to the Bill, with serious grants and support. On the other hand, there is no quid pro quo and no supports outlined in the Bill for workers who fear losing their jobs, for lower paid workers or for social welfare recipients. I say that because in the last major crisis in this country, the economic collapse in 2007-08, what effectively happened was that ordinary families were made to pay for the burden of that collapse. It was not of their making but they paid for it through austerity, reductions in the minimum wage and reductions in social welfare. Many of those reductions have not been reversed since. Those are two areas that need to strengthened and dealt with. Retail Ireland warned recently that in the event of a hard Brexit retail prices could rise by as much as 45%. Even a softer Brexit would lead to significant price increases.
There is nothing, however, in this legislation to protect living standards. Those living on State pensions and other social welfare payments, as well as low-paid workers, would be very badly hit in that situation. People in those categories spend almost their entire income on everyday purchases, including food. Price rises will have to be matched, at a minimum, with increases in pay and welfare payments. The minimum wage must be sharply increased. This legislation, omitting such provisions, demonstrates to me that this Government has a continuing bias towards the wealthy in our society.
Trade unionists and other activists must not allow this crisis to be dumped on workers and the poor in the same way as the last one. If that happens, I believe people will be on the streets and there will be pickets. Grants to businesses, as provided for in this legislation, must be made conditional on a number of things. It must, firstly, be made conditional on lay-offs of employees being ruled out. It must be also conditional on the freezing of prices and increases in the minimum wage and social welfare payments.
The very wealthy have come through the most recent crisis that we had and now have billions of euro more than they had even at the height of the boom. The Government continued to give hundreds of millions of euros to very wealthy people in the past three budgets and I believe that should be clawed back. Moreover, since the most recent crisis, the EU owes Ireland billions of euro due to its insistence that Irish citizens bail out private investors in private banks. The British Government and the European Union must be told that there will be no hardening of the existing Border. However they sort it out between themselves, no hardening of the Border will be tolerated by Irish people. The existence of any border is an affront to Irish sovereignty and to the sovereignty of the Irish people as expressed in the 1916 Proclamation and by the first Dáil. The imposition of a hard border by Britain, the EU or the Government will be met by mass mobilisation. Hardening of the Border will simply not be accepted. I also believe that Britain should be told that there will be no dumping of radioactive waste on the island of Ireland. It appears that the UK Government has earmarked a site in the Mourne Mountains for this purpose.
The problems now arising due to Brexit are consequences of the failure to create a united and sovereign 32-county Ireland. The danger to Irish people of allowing part of the island of Ireland to remain under British sovereignty now and in the future could not be clearer. The UK Supreme Court found that there is no compulsion on the British Government to even consult the Northern Ireland Assembly or Executive about removing the Six Counties from the EU. Of course, any question of consulting this Parliament did not even arise. The 1916 leaders were right. We should ensure that a 32-county sovereign Republic is built and we should set our sights on that from now on.
——————————————————————-No Irish Sovereignty in Belfast Assembly and Executive -UK SUPREME COURT!
But NO Challenge on Sovereignty Issue From Sinn Féin, SWP(People Before Profit), SP (Cross-Community Labour Alternative), Communist Party https://wp.me/pKzXa-tz
100 Years Ago The Irish People of the 32-Counties Mandated its Elected Representatives to Withdraw from Westminster. But SWP and SP Backed Candidates Undertook to take 6-Co Seats at Westminster in the recent British General Election
UK supreme Court has decided that UK government does not need permission from Northern Executive to take Ni out of the EU and is not compelled by Law to even CONSULT the Executive on the issue. The Belfast Courts have decided that if the UK takes NI out of the EU without consent it would not breach the Good Friday Agreement. The court also decided that cross-community consent was not required to take NI out of EU. Cross-Community Consent only applies to leaving the UK!! The NI budjet allocation and cuts in that allocation are decided by the UK parliament.Already Public Service trade unions have held a one-day strike against the elimination of 20,000 public service jobs through cuts approved by the Executive How can Sinn Féin and the left ignore the SOVEREIGNTY issue in these circumstances.However there are many republicans and socialists in the six counties who understand the centrality of the sovereignty issue and contacts are developing.
Sinn Féin is merely calling for the enactment of promised legislation to support the Irish Langguage and a Bill of Rights.
But it is not calling for removal of British Sovereignty. While British sovereignty over the 6-counties exists these calls of Sinn Féin can be ignored.
Northern Area Committee of Communist Party of Ireland is seeking the same things in the framework of the Good Friday Agreement
People Before Profit (Linked to the Socialist Workers Party) ignores the sovereignty issue in its statements and election material for Assembly elections
AAA now Solidarity linked to the Socialist Party is not organised under that name in the North.It is called ” Cross-Community Labour Alternative” It is not linked to PBP in the North as it is in the south where it has formed a common parliamentary party Solidarity-PBP. Socialist Party(Northern Ireland) omits the Connolly goal of a socialist UNITED Ireland in a Socialist world from its “Where We Stand” statement
SWP (UK)-sister organisation of SWP(I) does not call on the British State to Disengage from Ireland
SP(UK) -sister organisation of SP(I) and SP(NI) does not call on the British State to Disengage from Ireland
—————————————————————The Irish Republic Must Constitute Any Future United Ireland
Address to the Ruairí Ó Brádaigh Memorial School, September 15th 2018, Roscommon Town
First of all, may I begin by thanking the organisers for the opportunity to speak here this afternoon. It is a privilege to do so, given who this event stands to commemorate. Though he has gone, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh remains an inspiration to Irish Republicans, the ideas he stood over remaining, for us, the footing and template on which to advocate continuing Republican struggle, on and into the future.
As Ruairí knew well, Irish Republicanism sets towards a 32-county republic in Ireland, premised on the line and image of the 1916 Proclamation. For ourselves as Irish Republicans, then, any future United Ireland to emerge must be mounted on the same, with the Proclamation to be upheld as its constitutional basis.
We are out for the Irish Republic — the Republic of 1916. While its governmental structure has yet to be determined, its political line, as Ó Brádaigh stood over throughout the entirety of his political life, has already been carved in stone.
But with Brexit and demographic change in the North speeding new and unheralded political realities, Irish Republicanism, while having much on paper to offer the ‘change process’, finds itself outside the loop. By no means has this been arrived at by happenstance.
For on the back of a disorganised Republicanism — splintered and with no clear sense of its purpose in the Ireland of 2018 — revisionist forces, intent on limiting the scope and extent of any future all-Ireland state, find the task of restricting the parameters of change much easier than ought to be the case. This is a failing on all of our parts and is the primary challenge faced by Republicanism at this key time in Ireland’s political development.
The task at hand, in the context of the above, is for Republicans to forward a political strategy relevant to 2018, though without being absorbed by revisionism. In particular, with broader nationalism focused on a United Ireland to be achieved via Good Friday’s border poll, we must ensure not to internalise that vehicle — not because it would signal that we were wrong, while others where right, but because that mechanism contrives towards a revised continuum of the Good Friday Agreement, not the Irish Republic.
As Ó Brádaigh himself said in 1986, when the Provisional Movement embraced a political shift that would shunt it into constitutionalism, ‘we have not been wrong — we have been right’. But being right is not enough on its own, as many here can attest to.
With that in mind, building on the foundation that correct political theory affords, the Republican function must be to embed in the public mind that the Irish Republic should constitute the ‘new Ireland’. We must gain support for same through hard work on the ground — hard work married to a clear political charter formed upon clear political theory. That is what Republicanism still has to offer and that is what we now must be about. We must be of and about a political campaign with the Irish Republic as its masthead.
The Good Friday Agreement has as its core concern the containment of Irish Republicanism. It was designed to bring Irish Republicans into a political process which had as its parameters the acceptance of British rule, while at the same time excluding Republicanism.
It could do so by holding out the prospect of change, should certain conditions be arrived at, while in reality serving as an instrument to ensure the permanence of Britain’s hold on Ireland, in particular of its political theory. While this arrangement has served British power for the best part of 20 years, more recent times have seen it run aground, due to the impact of Brexit coupled with shifting demographics in the still-occupied Six Counties.
The creates new opportunities which Republicanism must avail of. While, rightly, we must guard against encroaching revisionism, which seeks out our embrace of British constitutional constraints and our acceding to their line of legitimacy, we must still have more to offer than the politics of mere ‘rejectionism’.
The core of our programme in this regard should centre on the constituent assembly — a longstanding plank of Republican theory going back to the times of the revolution. For Irish Republicans it is automatic that, should Ireland be reunited, British withdrawal from the North should be coupled with the restoration of Dáil Éireann, a position worth holding to with political change now upon us.
The starting point for ourselves, here, is that the substance of a ‘new Ireland’ is a matter alone for the Irish people, in all their diversity and no matter their differences. Britain, with her line of theory, should be afforded no role in determining or participating in any future all-Ireland arrangement. While the rest is up for discussion, that is at the core of what it means to self-determine and must be fully non-negotiable.
An all-Ireland constituent assembly should thus deliberate on the form and structure of any future United Ireland, for only such an entity has the democratic right and qualification to undertake such a task. All and every citizen, party or interest group will have the same option and the same opportunity to either stand for election to this body or, at the very least, to present a submission for its consideration.
It is that process which should agree the new Ireland — one that upholds the rights to freedom and sovereignty laid down under the Proclamation; an Ireland, no matter the scheming of Britain and her quislings, that remains the birthright of our people.
A functional constituent assembly, rather than a mere consultative body among our own, would be a legally-established entity vested with the full authority of the Irish Republic. What we are talking about here is a Third All-Ireland Dáil, sitting as a constituent assembly, its sole remit to draw up a new constitution for the Republic — which would at that point have been reconstituted upon full British withdrawal from Ireland.
An all-Ireland election is the only mechanism that can unlock such a forum. Republican policy must set this in stone and then work to have those who hold power in Ireland commit or bend to this position, holding that this must proceed should constitutional change become a reality — no matter what ‘vehicle’ sets such in motion.
What we should work toward and look to set in place here is some form of ‘white paper’ on Irish Unity. This should encompass a renewed demand for a full British withdrawal alongside a structured proposal as to what should happen in that event. ‘Towards A Peaceful Ireland’ has the broad framework in place. With that as our base and guide, what is needed is to bring things up to speed and present its ideas in the context of today.
As the British ‘solution’ to her Irish problem comes apart at the seams, mired in the quicksand of sectarianism and its poisonous role in upholding continuing British rule here, the time is now for Republicans to forward a bold approach, to set out our own brand of politics as the alternative to the ongoing farce at both Stormont and Leinster House.
It’s time for new ideas and the people want new ideas. It’s time for a workable constitutional arrangement that serves Ireland and her people, which respects and upholds the rights of both, rather than the interests of those who obstruct democracy in this country. All of such demands the redundant strategies and tactics of the past make way for something fresh — for a campaign that people can support and believe in.
The call for a constituent assembly, as part of a wider initiative for a new Ireland, can fulfil that end, capturing the national imagination if we forward a confident proposal, backed by a confident team of hardworking Irishmen and women, who are never in short supply. We can always do with more, though, and as such this campaign needs opened out to include all. We need to look outward and not in.
Our work is to advocate for a ‘new republic’ that sweeps aside the failures of the past, which presents a fair and just society as the roadmap to a meaningful peace. The people of Ireland deserve nothing less. Ireland and the Republic deserve, of us, that we establish the unity of purpose required to make good on the same.
Towards that endeavour, in the context of demographic change ongoing, a clear line is now required — one that states, without equivocation, that should Britain’s imposed terms for leaving be met that obligations incumbent must be acceded to, in full. Further negotiations or agreements with Britain should not from there be countenanced — other than to insist that she leave our country.
This need not attach any legitimacy to Britain’s conditions. It need neither demand an acceptance from us of her border poll as a legitimate constitutional vehicle. What it must, though, provide is a clear understanding of what should proceed in the event that one should pass — just as it should in any event, regardless how Irish Unity is arrived upon.
Through all of this, we must be clear that when we speak of Irish Unity we are talking about restoring the Irish Republic — that same Republic born of the Proclamation and the Declaration of Irish Independence. The sovereignty and unity of the Irish Republic must be the basis of a United Ireland. We might negotiate and agree new political structures but that fundamental is beyond revision. It is the Irish Republic we seek and no less. As the General Liam Lynch rightly declared, ‘we will live under no other law’.
While it is not a panacea and should not be mistaken for such, a national constituent assembly, elected by popular suffrage by all of the Irish people — acting as one unit — offers a practical means through which this can be achieved. It would provide us the means to build a true Republic, where all of the children of this great nation are finally cherished as they ought to be. Great things could lie ahead if we realise the opportunities before us. A ‘new republic’ for all is the outcome we now must reach for.
Constituent Assembly Best-Placed To Agree ‘New Republic’-Seán Bresnahan
Saturday, August 25, 2018
In a letter to the Irish News, published 9th August, Sean Bresnahan argues that an All-Ireland Dáil, sitting in constituent assembly, should agree the forward basis of any future United Ireland.
The sovereignty and unity of the Irish Republic must be the basis on which a future United Ireland proceeds. While an end to Britain’s claim to sovereignty remains here first step, the All-Ireland Dáil should from there be restored, to sit in constituent assembly. https://wp.me/pKzXa-tz
There, new constitutional arrangements, premised upon Ireland’s right to national freedom, can be negotiated and agreed among and between the Irish people, with the Irish people — through national referendum — deciding ultimately as to whether they should go forward.
The sovereignty and unity of Ireland must likewise be the basis of any negotiating process that sets toward constitutional change. While the form and structure of a ‘New Republic’ are matters for the Irish people to thrash out, this much must be non-negotiable.
Republicans must build support for this line if the ‘agreed new Ireland’ of Varadkar and his ilk, given succour of late by the utterings of Mary Lou McDonald, is somehow to be stopped in its tracks — a concept already more advanced than may be realised.
This revisionist notion, first entertained by Hume’s SDLP, is an aberration from the Republican object and sets out to retain a residual British presence in Ireland ‘post-Irish Unity’ — even after Britain’s own terms for leaving have been met. Needless to say it must be opposed, root and branch.
But rather than retreat into ‘rejectionism’, Republicans must build a grassroots campaign — one that engages ordinary people and popularises, thus, the Republic. It is through such initiative we can best mount a bulwark against this emerging threat.
England’s difficulty is Ireland’s opportunity is an adage of old that today finds new relevance, as the possibility of a hard Brexit rears its head. As Brexit and demographic change in the North speed the prospect of constitutional change, we can ill afford to sit back. Republicanism now must lead, at this time of critical import.
Vigorous Discussion on Left in Ireland Taking Place on Irish Republican Education Forum Facebook Page (c. 100 comments)
https://wp.me/pKzXa-tz
Paddy Healy:This discussion and the composition of the “Left Speaks” (Belfast Festival) panel shows that the left is in a dire state. It is no consolation that the situation is as bad or worse in other countries including the UK. Will the debacle of the left in the Westminister election in the 6-counties be discussed. ? Committing to take seats in the imperial parliament even within a year of the commemoration of the first Dáil!!! The biggest left group in the 32-counties outside of Sinn Féin is the 1916 societies by a distance. I don’t see anybody on the panel from that side of the house (See Sean Bresnahans post on this page) . I don’t see anyone on the panel with a James Connolly position. This is my proposal and I am prepared to discuss it with anybody genuinely interested in finding a way forward; FOR A 32-COUNTY CAMPAIGN AGAINST AUSTERITY AND AN ALL-IRELAND POPULAR ASSEMBLY https://wp.me/pKzXa-tz It is derived from a marxist/trotskyist analysis of the next step needed to progress towards an Irish revolution.
Paddy Healy:Further to the Comments of Workers Party Activists Donal O’Driscoll and Terry Carberry- “but the only thing left about the 1916 group and their like is that they are a leftover from disgruntled and malcontent elements who refuse to move on in the real world” This mere abuse is a substitute for political argument. Dieter Rheinisch has posted Sean Bresnahans statement on this page.. Readers can judge for themselve. To my knowlege (I am a member of Workers and Unemployed Action), 1916 Societies have more than twenty branches north and south. They put 5000 people under their own flag on the streets of Dublin during the 1916 celebrations. I don’t know any other political body other than Sinn Féin which could do that. Could the Workers Party put 500 on the street behind a Workers Party banner??.
—————————————————————————
From The Blog Federal Democratic Socialist Republic
Proposal For “An Irish Sovereign Socialist 32-County Assembly” To Define Socialist Republicanism
Wouldnt it be great if socialist republicans cpuld come together to form an irish sovereign socialist 32 county republican assembly where we agreed on a definition for our kind of socialist republicanism, a detailed constitution that gave guiding principles or a guiding framework, so that future generations could clearly point to that tradition of socialist republicanism that they ascribe too? Or would that be too logical, too revolutionary, too much in the spirit of republican co-operation and taking ownership?
Comments
Paul Murphy in-my-experience-republicans-can-all-agree-on-what-there-against-but-put-them-in-a-room=-and-ask-them-to-discuss-what-there-for-and-no one-agrees
Fiachra Mac Luaidh Lol well past time for us all to come together in a fresh renewed spirit then a chara, i think we can do it, but definitely anyone going into it would need to be going in with the mindset of finding what we can agree on rather than what can divide us, …See more
Alex KH You mean like the Peadar Odonnell socialist republican forum?
Fiachra Mac Luaidh I’ve been along to events organised by the PODSRF and have yet to see what i’ve outlined above? Happy to be corrected on that though
Fiachra Mac Luaidh I.e was there a national assembly with every county represented? Was there a clear and concise documented agreement / constitution detailing the guiding principles of the tradition of socialist republicanism that they want to see future generations of …See more
Fiachra Mac Luaidh I should point out that its me understanding thst the “proclamation project” guys are making good progress in this regard, in fostering this kind of spirit
Dee Fennell The PODSRF has people that are diametrically opposed to each other ideologically. It also rejects the right of the Irish people to assert its sovereignty through arms.
As a forum im sure it is good for debating purposes, but not suited to unite Republicanism.…See more
Paddy Healy I agree with Fiachra. Such a convention or congress is badly needed. But the greatest care should be taken in agreeing its minimal political basis in advance. Remember what happened at the Republican Congress in the thirties!! It should not be expected…See more
A letter from our cumann chair, Sean Bresnahan in today’s edition of the Irish News (original text attached):
While a changed circumstance, born of Brexit and demographic change, suggests some form of United Ireland may well be in the offing, for Irish Republicans a key consideration lies in what kind of Ireland is intended toward. Here we might remember that Ireland has been united before, under British rule, and so that concept, of itself, is not a panacea.
Irish Republicanism sets toward a national democracy mounted on the 1916 Proclamation — a separate endeavour to the supposed United Ireland that can be formed out of the Good Friday Agreement. If the writ of the British in Ireland is to be ended, Republicans must take note. For there is no viable route to the Republic through the provisions of the Good Friday process.
That process is set, instead, toward John Hume’s ‘agreed new Ireland’ — a revisionist construct whose intent and design is to reconcile Ireland to Britain, ensuring thus, should a United Ireland emerge, the retention of British domain. Other avenues need considered if the Republican object is to be realised.
Our response to the challenge this presents, rather than to retreat into mere ‘rejectionism’, must be to build support for the 32-County Republic set out under the Proclamation. Engaging our people on its merit is the work now before us. Failing as much, the more limited design of constitutional nationalism will only be further emboldened.
No matter how outward appearances may present, this design, were it to proceed, would be a further set back. For the ‘agreed new Ireland’ of Varadkar and co intends not on the Irish Republic but on a continuum of the Good Friday Agreement, to be entered into as a revised compromise with the British state on an all-Ireland basis.
Irish Republicans must focus accordingly, to ensure things do not end up so. Building struggle from below at a grassroots level, engaging ordinary people on a positive basis through political campaigning and initiative, is the journey that now must begin. Any hope that remains for the Irish Republic depends on it.
Sean Bresnahan
Chair, Thomas Ashe Society Omagh
———————————————————–
Good Friday Agreement-A Victory for Unionism! Vincent Browne
Unionists saw the Good Friday Agreement as a defeat, and nationalists saw it as a victory. Both were wrong-Sunday Business Post-Vincent Browne Apr 8, 2018
Before reading the article by Vincent Browne which is carried in full further down, read the decision of the UK Supreme Court on Brexit
Over 1 year Ago!
No Irish Sovereignty in Belfast Assembly and Executive-UK Supreme Court !
UK supreme Court has decided that UK government does not need permission from Northern Executive to take Ni out of the EU and is not compelled by Law to even CONSULT the Executive on the issue. The Belfast Courts have decided that if the UK takes NI out of the EU without consent it would not breach the Good Friday Agreement. The court also decided that cross-community consent was not required to take NI out of EU. Cross-Community Consent only applies to leaving the UK!! The NI budjet allocation and cuts in that allocation are decided by the UK parliament.Already Public Service trade unions have held a one-day strike against the elimination of 20,000 public service jobs through cuts approved by the Executive How can Sinn Féin and the left ignore the SOVEREIGNTY issue in these circumstances.However there are many republicans and socialists in the six counties who understand the centrality of the sovereignty issue and contacts are developing.
Unionists saw the Good Friday Agreement as a defeat, and nationalists saw it as a victory. Both were wrong
The Good Friday Agreement was a triumph for unionism. But so successful was the spin accompanying it that not alone were nationalists deluded into believing it was a triumph for them, but unionists were also deluded into believing it was a defeat for unionism.
The essence of Irish nationalism on partition was that only the people of the island of Ireland as a whole had any entitlement to determine the constitutional future of the island. Unionism insisted the people of the North alone had an entitlement to determine its future. By the overwhelming endorsement of the Good Friday Agreement, the people of Ireland acknowledged acceptance of the unionist contention. Unionism won.
And to copper-fasten that central element of the Agreement, the people in southern Ireland voted overwhelmingly to remove Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Constitution that claimed jurisdiction over the North. Arguably, there are no nationalists in Ireland now: we are all unionists!
It was not only on that score that unionism won. Further agreements brought about the decommissioning of the IRA and then the disbandment of the IRA.
The Agreement wasn’t entirely one way, for the quid pro quo was the dismantling of the Orange state. And it is a misunderstanding of what was central to the agreement – the all-Ireland acceptance of unionism – and the obduracy over dismantling the final vestiges of the Orange state that is central to the impasse that now prevails.
Unfortunately, the southern state from the Boundary Commission of 1925 until the start of the conflict in 1969, wilfully misrepresented how and why the partition of Ireland came about and was wilfully indifferent to the iniquities of the Orange state and dismissive of nationalist representations for support in the campaign for justice in the North.
Partition was represented relentlessly as a calculated “criminal” or “imperialist” imposition on the Irish people by “perfidious Albion”, which could be undone by a simple fiat of a British government irrespective of the implacability of the Northern unionists.
David Trimble of the Ulster Unionist Party Pic: Getty
There was no acknowledgement of the inevitability of partition from 1912 onwards, following the rebellion against the British state by Northern loyalists in 1912, the British Army’s defiance in making it clear it would refuse to confront this rebellion, and the support of this defiance by the then Westminster opposition, the Conservative Party.
And throughout this period, there was no succour for Northern nationalists, the ignored casualties of partition, even though it was now plain from the outset of partition that the new Northern state would be a cold and unwelcome place for them.
Repeatedly, during this time (1925-1968), Northern nationalists were treated as wearisome relatives by Southern governments, most particularly by Sean Lemass, whose interest in the North concerned solely the prospects of mutually advantageous “functional cooperation” on economic fronts with the rulers of the North, led by Terence O’Neill. Nationalists who sought support for fair housing allocation, fair local democracy, fair policing and jobs and simple respect, were dismissed almost as vagabonds. Seamus Mallon of the SDLP recalls nationalists in the mid-1960s feeling “abandoned”.
There was a hideous consequence to this heedlessness – the explosion of anger in the form of decades of murderous conflict.
The myopia of unionists to what the Good Friday Agreement was about, notably its delusion that it was all a “victory” for Sinn Fein, has surely contributed a lot to the current Stormont stand-off. It is not the whole story, of course, but quite a bit of it.
There is no unionist appreciation of how significant it was for nationalist Ireland to capitulate to unionism on the key constitutional issue. Were there such an appreciation, I suspect, there might not be such obduracy on the issues to do with “respect” – notably, the respect reasonably demanded by nationalists for their traditions, such as the Irish language.
It is not that Sinn Féin or any nationalists want the Irish language to be the first language of the Northern state, as, implausibly, it is in the South. Nor is it that an appreciable number of nationalists want to converse in the Irish language, although probably a higher proportion of nationalists in the North now speak or can speak Irish than is true in the South – this is because the language is central to a contested nationalist identity in the North. Agreement on the Irish language is part of the dismantling of the Orange state, which ridiculed Irish culture generally.
There was nothing in the Good Friday Agreement about the Irish language, but it is part of the St Andrews Agreement, and it obliges not the Stormont Assembly but the British government to “introduce an Irish language Act, reflecting on the experience of Wales and Ireland and work with the incoming Executive to enhance and protect the development of the Irish language”.
The DUP is right in insisting that it has not signed up to an Irish Language Act. The British government did legislate for a language strategy, to ensure the “enhancement and protection of Irish and Ulster Scots language”, which is not what was agreed. In any event, the DUP can frustrate any enactment to “enhance and protect the development of the Irish language”.
To nationalists, including Sinn Fein, respect and acceptance of the Irish language is asking for acceptance and respect for themselves. Were unionists to acknowledge the huge significance for unionism of the Good Friday Agreement, there might not be such obduracy.
Not that the Good Friday Agreement is an ideal outcome to the conflict. It is dysfunctional politically – it diminishes politics – and it fails to address the pervasive sectarianism that prevails.
Schools are still segregated on religious grounds, as well as on class – the Catholic Church is to blame on both these counts. And successive power-sharing Stormont administrations over the last 20 years have failed to address the underlying currents of sectarianism.
And, by the way, it would help if Sinn Féin shut up about border polls.
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Since the article below was written, Sinn Fein has moved further to the right. It has decided that it is prepared to enter coalition in Dublin as a minority partner.
NO 26-County Sovereignty in Dublin
SOMETHING VERY FUNDAMENTAL CHANGED IN THE LAST GENERAL ELECTION
The Left , Sinn Fein, all socialists and republicans must organise Two National National Demonstrations against Cuts, Unfair Charges and Austerity without delay
The First In Belfast, The Second in Dublin
Let Us Go On The Offensive!
Derry and Cork should be next!
The Media are dominated with political babble on the outcome of the election.
Nobody is fully recognising that something fundamental has changed. This error is shared by right wing commentators and even the so-called “hard left”
Ireland has been ruled by imperialist capitalism through the partition institutions since 1921-2
The governance of the 26 county end was modified in early 30s with the first election of Fianna Fáil.. Note that Labour Party support was necessary to have Dev first elected as Taoiseach.
From then on the 26-county state was governed through the rotating two and one third party system–FG and FG rotating as leaders of government with Labour making up the numbers if required
The recent election has reduced the popular support for FG+FF+Lab to the low fifties in percentage terms. This is unprecedented.
More recently, Unionist majority rule was replaced by “Cross-Community” implementation of British rule in Belfast
THIS ELECTION HAS DISRUPTED THE TWO AND ONE THIRD PARTY SYSTEM OF GOVERNANCE IN THE 26-COUNTIES.
Labour was reduced to 12 seats after the Reynolds-Spring and Bruton- Spring-De Rossa Governments
But in that case Labour was still much much bigger than all other competitors on the left.
The rise of Sinn Féin and other lefts has fundamentally changed the situation and seriously limited the ability of Irish Social democracy to buttress capitalist governance structures. Social Democracy in the form of the Labour Party and the trade union leadership has played a crucial role in the past in protecting the 26 co establishment
Now Sinn Féin like Clann na Poblachta in 1948 may be needed to fill the gap. SIPTU leader Jack O’Connor has said as much!!
Eoghan Harris and Ed Moloney in opposing the Grand Coalition are obsessed by fear of Sinn Féin growth in the next General Election.
Sinn Féin is implementing British Rule in Belfast and has said it can have FF or FG in a minority role in government in Dublin. Hence,this is not what gives the real movers and shakers real cause for concern.
25% of the 26-county population have sufficient allegiance to FF to have voted for FF in recent elections. FF is a pro-capitalist, pro partition party.
If such a stable party were wiped out in a new election, it would be a major reverse for capitalism. A Grand Coalition in the framework of the fiscal treaty would ensure that outcome
Industrial unrest typically accompanies recovery (Luas, Cadburys, Teachers, Nurses, Guards). The uniquely capitulatory Irish Trade Union leaders would struggle to control the mass movement in the context of a Fine Gael-Fianna Fáil government.
The concern of the mover and shakers with the rise of Sinn Féin is not due to the nature of the leadership or “IRA” influence in government. British rule is being implemented in Belfast. The Sinn Féin leadership has said that it would participate in coalition government provided FF or FG were minority partners. They must know that a minority FG or FF partner would veto any measure to tax the super-rich or to move towards a united Ireland.
The concern of the 26 Co elite is that due to the many wonderful and self-sacrificing militants in Sinn Féin and among their supporters, the leaders may be unable to politically control their members and supporters.
It is vital that Sinn Féin supporters prevent Sinn Féin being tainted by coalition in any form or “external support” in any form for a government containing either Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael
If Sinn Fein and the hard left had over 40% of the vote in the 26-counties (currently holding 30 seats to FF’s 43), would the unemployed on reduced welfare and the teacher unable to get a permanent job up the north continue to support Sinn Féin leadership as the return of unionist majority rule would be virtually impossible in that eventuality!
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Westminister Election 2017: Hugely Positive Developments in the 6-Counties and the UK-But Disastrously Wrong and Anti-Marxist position of SWP(People Before Profit) and Socialist Party(Solidarity) on Irish National Question leads to Marginalisation of the Left
Electoral Debacle for SWP(PBP) in Derry and West Belfast
SWP(PBP) Promised to Take Seats at Westminister requiring an Oath of Allegiance To Queen as Head of British State on behalf of Irish People whom they Hoped to Represent
Stop Press! Socialist Party-Solidarity TD, Ruth Coppinger Now Advocating Taking 6-County Seats at WESTMINSTER on RTE, The Week in Politics
(more further down)
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Discussion on Cedar Lounge Revolution- Irish Left-Wing Blog To which I have contributed
Westminister Election 2017 in the 6 Counties of northern Ireland
SUICIDAL FOR SOCIALIST TO ABSTAIN FROM CAMPAIGN FOR UNITY, INDEPENDENCE and SOVEREIGNTY of IRELAND-Paddy Healy
Jolly Red Giant (Socialist Party)
Paddy – the ‘Irish rebels’ of 1918/19 were right-wing nationalists in the main – certainly the right-wing held the leadership of nationalist movement in a tight grip to prevent the radical left having any influence over the trajectory of the Irish revolution.
The Socialist Party stands with the revolutionary traditions of the workers movement of the period, the revolutionary traditions of the soviets, the revolutionary traditions of the Marxist trade union organisers like Sean Dowling and Seamus McGrath, the revolutionary traditions of the Revolutionary Socialist Party (which had a significant base of support among the Protestant working class of East Belfast) – the revolutionary traditions of the Irish working class of the period.
The Socialist Party rejects the right-wing outlook of Irish nationalism of the period – the outlook of attempting to split the trade union movement along sectarian lines, the outlook of breaking strikes the outlook of attempting to and actually suppressing the Irish soviets (both pro-and anti-Treaty republicans), the outlook of implementing a narrow, repressive, right-wing nationalist priest-ridden state.
And you own approach has always been one of left-republicanism – one which subverts the interests of the Irish working class to the interests of Irish republicanism. It is astonishing that you claim the one ‘true’ approach to the Irish revolution yet this approach by you has failed to maintain, never mind grow, even a tiny revolutionary tendency over the past 50 years.
“Paddy – the ‘Irish rebels’ of 1918/19 were right-wing nationalists in the main – certainly the right-wing held the leadership of nationalist movement in a tight grip to prevent the radical left having any influence over the trajectory of the Irish revolution.
I won’ bother with other parts of JRG’s diatribe except the above.
To dismiss the process which passed through the general strike against conscription to the demolition of the Westminister-participating Irish National Party of Redmond to the formation of the First Dail and the Promulgation of the Democratic Programm of the First Dail to the Declaration of War on the British Empire with the sentence “the Irish Rebels were right-wing nationalists in the main” is a negation of all marxist method. This involved a huge mass movement of the Irish workers and smallfarmers. It is inevitable that there would be conservative leaders in democratic anti-colonial movements. The problem was that just like the SP-ers of to-day the Labour and trade union leaders refused to participate and fight for the leadership of the democratic movement. The Connolly tradition had been defeated within the Labour movement and the social democrats Johnson and Willie O’Brien were in control.
When fundamental tasks of the democratic revolution remain uncompleted(eg Unity , independence and sovereignty of the nation),it is suicide for socialists to attempt to skip them and leave them in the hands of “right-wing nationalists” as Trotsky has taught us. This does not, of course mean that socialist and working class demands must be toned down to facilitate non-socialist Republicans. On the contrary,The Devalera dictum “labour Must Wait” must be firmly rejected. It is the strength of the working class in pursuing its own class demands that draws the intermediate classes to its side against the capitalisats and imperialists.
Such was the power of the mass movenent right up to the end of the civil war. including the development of “the Munster Soviets”, that an effective revolutionary socialist leadership could have gained dominance on a number of occasions. Middle class Republican leader Ernie O’Malley has stated that if to get a united independent Ireland it had to be a Workers Republic, he was prepared to travel that road. But the Labour leaders abstained and worse still joined the Free State counter-revolutionary parliament giving legitimacy to the marauding free state army which smashed “the soviets” as it advanced into Munster. They did this when even Devalera refused to enter the Free State Parliament and huge masses of workers and small farmers were resisting the counter-revolution.
The national question is becoming a burning issue in the whole of Ireland again to-day. The same mistakes must not be made. Mass movement in the direction of an all-Ireland constituent assembly is developing as Irish People North and South seek strength in unity. This movement must not be left to Right wing nationalists or even to vacillating petit-bourgeois nationalists!
I write this in the hope of making a contribution to preventing a new debacle.
Jolly Red Giant (Socialist Party)
Clearly Paddy you have little knowledge of the Munster Soviets – including the history of the workers movement in South Tipp during this period – and the fact that the anti-Treaty IRA suppressed soviets and strikes during the period leading up to and during the civil war.
I will give one quote that you can find in the national archives that demonstrates the approach of the leadership of SF during this period – it comes from a Dail Ministry for Home Affairs document dating from 1921
“1920 was no ordinary outbreak…the immense rise in the value of land and farm products threw into more vivid relief than ever before the high profits of ranchers, and the hopeless outlook of the landless men and uneconomic holders…All this was a grave menace to the Republic. The mind of the people was being diverted from the struggle for freedom by a class war and there was every likelihood that this class war might be carried into the ranks of the republican army itself which was drawn in the main from the agricultural population and was largely officered by farmers’ sons.”
The report then goes on to describe how the republican courts –
“saved society from anarchy…There was a moment when it seemed nothing could prevent wholesale expropriations, but the crisis was surmounted thanks to a patriotic public opinion and the civic sense of justice expressed through the arbitration courts and ENFORCED BY THE REPUBLICAN POLICE.”
Paddy Healy Replies to (JRG) Socialist Party
Of course I am fully aware of all the issues adduced by JRG(Socialist Party) . Nothing in anything I said has ever hid or covered up the pro-capitalist activities of Sinn Féin and IRA leaders during the War of Independence
What he refuses to understand is that these events and processes support my position and makes nonsense of his.
As I said above it is inevitable that movements for national independence in colonially dominated countries contain conservative and therefor pro capitalist forces as well as workers, small farmers, big farmers and small traders and other middle classes.
Free rein was given to the conservative capitalist elements was given by the refusal of the Labour and trade union leaders to participate in the First Dáil, to maintain a strong Citizen Army, and to be part of a leadership alliance prosecuting the war of independence. This is what Connolly did in 1916.
There was widespread conflict between the IRA leadership and the Sinn Féin Courts and workers during the war of independence. But this was not all. Land hungry small famers and farm labourers seizing land of ranchers were oppressed and attacked. At the same time workers took strike action against carrying British soldiers and ammunition.
There was huge public support for the war of independence and the renegacy of the Labour and Trade union leaders on the national question, allowed this support to be used by capitalist republican leaders against workers and small farmers.
This renegacy helped the the most conservative elements capitulate on the national question as well in the treaty and civil war.
The Devalera-Collins Pact in the post-Treaty election was justified by the need “to stop the Red Brigandage rampant throughout Munster”
It is clear that a Connolly style trade union and Labour leadership fighting the war of independence through its citizen army could have won the leadership of the independence struggle and isolated the pro-capitalist elements. Supporting and protecting the “Munster Soviets” and the land seizures provided an ideal opportunity for the workers republicans.This would have opened the way to the Workers Republic.
It is the ignoring of democratic tasks (in Ireland national Independence, unity and Sovereignty) the social democratic leaders cleared the way for Irish Capitalism and British Imperialism to launch a “carnival of reaction north and south” as predicted by Connolly, through the partition settlement.
In the coming campaign for Irish Unity and Sovereignty and the reversal of the partition settlement, if socialists abstain, they will open the way for a new defeat of Irish workers
JRG(Socialist Party) might be able to pass off his superficial and erroneous views in the political bubble in which he lives, but he couldn’t get away with it in Clonmel!!
JRG(Socialist Party)
“First lets deal with the inaccuracies – the LP did not refuse to participate in the first Dail. SF attempted to make the LP a small appendage of the nationalist movement by offering them a handful of seats in the 1918 in return for not only adopting an abstentionist position, but by accepting a subsidiary and subservient role to the nationalist forces in 1918. The leadership of the LP quite rightly rejected this approach, but incorrectly failed to provide a left political alternative to the nationalist movement in 1918.”
Paddy Healy
Socialist Party Effectively Defends the Formation of anti-Revolutionary Pro-Imperialist Irish Social Democracy after Connolly
JRG(Socialist Party)
THe LP did refuse to participate in the 1918 election. It was a British General Election in which the LP was free to stand and did not stand. Sinn Féin was in no position to prevent them standing. Sinn Féin was only in a position to place conditions on not opposing the LP in certain constituencies. The labour and trade union movement, which also had widespread support, could also have contested SF in many constituencies.
Driving the British armed forces out of Ireland was a key task to open the way to the Workers Republic. The Labour and trade union leaders had allowed the Citizen Army, though still in existence, to wither. They abstained from the mass movement against British colonial domination of which participating in the election on an abstentionist basis was a component. They abstained from the war against the British Forces. This is the definitive formation of counter-revolutionary pro-imperialist Social Democracy in Ireland. Entry into the Free-state parliament when that regime was waging a pro-British war against the Irish People confirmed the position.
(The Socialist Party of Ireland was established in 1909. It was a re-establishment of James Connolly’s Irish Socialist Republican Party.
In 1921, during the Civil War, it affiliated with the revolutionary Lenin led Comintern and was renamed the Communist Party of Ireland (the first party of that name, and not to be confused with the current party, founded in 1933).
In September 1923, Larkin, having returned to Ireland, formed the Irish Worker League (IWL), which was soon afterwards recognised by the Comintern as the Irish section of the world communist movement. In 1924 Larkin attended the Comintern congress in Moscow and was elected to its executive committee.)
The Labour Party and Trade Union Congress remained affiliated to the second international whose affiliates had supported the war effort of their respective imperialist countries leading to the massacre of millions in fight for capitalist markets.
Brenda Halligan-The Johnson Years
One indispensable contribution by LABOUR to the creation of Irish democracy was its participation in the 1922 General Election, which thereby legitimised the creation of the Irish Free State (and partition-PH) and enshrined respect for the will of the electorate and respect for the rule of law as the fundamental principles of Irish Democracy.-Brendan Halligan
(Brendan Halligan led the Labour Party back to coalitionism after the 1969 general election and organised my expulsion from the national executive of the Labour party for opposing this course-PH)
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The Socialist Fight Group and The New Worker (New Communist Party) both call for complete British Withdrawal and Disengagement from Ireland. If in London this is worth attending
New Worker Discussion Meeting:
The Labour Party after the election advance
Friday 7 July 6.30pm, The Cock Tavern Euston (details below)
Speakers:
Gerry Downing, Socialist Fight
Marie Lynam, Labour Party member and Posadists Today
Andy Brooks, editor, The New Worker
The briliant election campaign led by Jeremy Corbyn gained 30 new Labour Party MPs, ended the Tories’ majority in parliament, and was almost certainly a fatal blow for Theresa May’s leadership. The result also forced May into seeking a deal with the reactionary Democratic Unionist Party, placed the Good Friday Agreement in peril, and confounded the right wing Labour Blairites who have hounded Corbyn at every step.
With a new election possible within months, members of various parties who are active in the labour movement, Labour Representation Committee and Momentum will gather to debate how for the Labour Party can move on to greater victories.
6.30pm, Friday 6 July
The Cock Tavern (upstairs meeting room)
23 Phoenix Road, London NW1 1HB
(5 minutes from Euston Station off Eversholt Road)
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POSITIVE DEVELOPMENTS in WESTMINSTER GE 2017 in Ireland and Britain
The mobilisation of the youth and the poor against May and austerity in the UK is a hugely important positive development as is the mobilisation of nationalists against the DUP through Sinn Féin in the 6 counties. We are seeing the development of a serious crisis of rule of imperialist capitalism in Ireland and the UK which presents huge opportunities for socialists and republicans in these islands .
The problem is the total inability of the left to take advantage on behalf of the working class on both islands.
The biggest problem in Ireland is the rejection by SWP and SP of the Connolly position on the national question in the Irish Socialist revolution.
This culminated in Gerry Carroll MLA PBP and the unfortunate Derry candidate , Shaun Harkin,contesting the election on the basis of sitting at Westminister(see below). That position had been jettisoned with the formation of the First Dail 1919
My priority is to help the left remedy this situation not to compete among sects for recruits.
Gerry Carroll’s vote was almost halved from 19.2% in the previous Westminister Election to 10% last Thursday The Derry candidate (not Eamonn McCann???) was marginalised at 3%.
No Sinn Féin or left candidate raised the prospect of sitting in an All-Ireland Parliament.
Is it not time that we all had a deadly serious discussion on the way ahead and in particular on the role of the fight for Irish Unity, Independence and Sovereignty in the socialist revolution in both these islands!
The pity is that much good work done by PBP and SP(NI) in fighting cuts while SF were in the Stormont Executive has been set back. This will recur as long as the national question is ignored by the left.
SP (GB) and SWP (UK)
The disastrously non-marxist position of the Irish SP and SWP is not just an “Irish” problem . SP(GB) and SWP(UK) refuse to call for British disengagement from Ireland contrary to all marxist principle. Read elsewhere on This blog : The Principled Position Of All British Left Wing Organisation Should Be For the Full unity and Independence of Ireland and Complete Disengagement of the British State from Ireland. BUT WHAT IS THE REALITY? Read Here http://wp.me/pKzXa-RO
26 Counties
SP (Solidarity) and SWP(People before Profit) also fail to understand the importance of the National question in the 26-counties despite the fact that there is no economic sovereignty in Dublin in the context of the EU Fiscal Treaty and the Stability and Growth Pact. They treat the politics of 26-counties as if that state were a small version of the English state. Read further down below
NO 26-County Sovereignty in Dublin
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People Before Profit (Socialist Workers Party) To Take 6-County Seats At Westminister!
100 years of Revolutionary Republican Tradition To Be Set Aside on Anniversary of First All-Ireland Dáil
Socialist Cause Being Damaged in Six Counties
Gerry Carroll (West Belfast) and Shaun Harkin (Derry) are to contest the Westminister Election on the basis of taking their seats at Westminister.
The more clearly Unionist Cross-Community Labour Alternative(Socialist Party NI) have not declared any candidate so far, having received negligible votes in the Assembly election.
“If elected we will take our seats”—Gerry Carroll, Irish News, April 28
But PBP has reversed the pro-Brexit stance it took in the UK referendum and Assembly Electionelection
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Big Majority of Population Believe That Dublin Government Has No Economic Sovereignty
Millward Brown Poll Sunday Independent 07/05/2017
Q1. Has the EU more control over our economic situation than our own government?
Yes 73% No 11% Don’t Know 16%
Q2. On balance, has the EU been good to Ireland since we joined in 1973
Yes 75% No 8% Don’t Know 18%
This means that if the well-being of Irish citizens does not improve or significantly dis-improves, the EU and the Irish government will be blamed
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Major Increase in Austerity Due under Dublin Regime- Government to lose 4 Billion Euro per Year in Corporation Profit Tax
Revenue Loss Can Not Be Replaced By Borrowing under EU FISCAL TREATY
EU tax plan would halve Irish corporation tax take, says Ibec
Irish Times, Monday, April 24, 2017,
Ireland would lose up to 50 per cent of its corporation tax base, equivalent to €4 billion in revenue, if EU plans for a consolidated tax base across the bloc come to fruition, Ibec has warned.
In a submission to a review of Ireland’s corporation tax regime, the employers’ group calculated that Ireland would be worst hit of all 28 EU states from the proposed Common Consolidated Corporate Tax Base (CCCTB).
This is because the formula it uses for determining the taxable profits of companies favours larger consumer-driven economies such as France over smaller exporting ones like Ireland.
“Ireland would lose over 50 per cent of its taxable profits under this formula, with larger low-exporting countries such as France gaining over 73 per cent to its corporate tax base,” Ibec’s chief economist Gerard Brady said.
In revenue terms, he said the CCCTB plan would result in a net loss for Ireland of about €3.9 billion a year, equivalent to 7.7 per cent of the State’s total tax base.
Administration
Mr Brady also noted that the positive side of the plan from Ireland’s perspective, namely the streamlining of administration, was already happening under the OECD’s base erosion and profit-shifting (Beps) project.
However, in its report Ibec rates the overall CCCTB risk to Ireland as low given the level of opposition to it across Europe. It said a far bigger risk to Ireland’s corporation tax base might come from tax reform in the US.
The reform currently supported by several influential Republicans envisages a deep corporate tax rate cut, a rate holiday for repatriated offshore earnings, and the introduction of a border adjustment tax.
Ibec said the border tax element posed the biggest risk of the three. “The scheme would be equivalent to imposing tariffs, equal to the corporation tax rate, on imports while subsidising exports,” Mr Brady said, a move that could seriously damage Irish pharmaceutical and medtech exports to the US.
The employers’ group also used its submission to highlight the current volatility in the State’s corporation tax take, with reports that just 10 firms paid 50 per cent of Ireland’s total corporate tax take last year.
The “extreme concentration” of corporate taxation in a small number of mainly multinational, firms’ means that policy issues affecting them can have serious fiscal consequences for Ireland.
Fluctuations
As a result Ibec warned against building recent gains into current spending, a point that was also made by the Fiscal Advisory Council.
“There are no guarantees in this, and building those gains into the base of current government spending will leave the State open to fluctuations in the tax base in the future.”
Mr Brady suggested that any money above a three-year rolling average should be put into once-investments in infrastructure or higher education.
Ibec’s report noted that, despite dire predictions, Ireland had benefitted from Beps, with an increasing number of firms relocating IP assets here. However, it said the net result of the process, along with growing mobility of skilled labour, had brought increased focus from corporates on other elements of our FDI offering.
“Ireland’s broader economic and social environment is crucial to attracting FDI, with companies identifying the availability of skilled employees, the standard of living, and certainty from government as central to their decisions to locate here.
“Other comparative advantages include our EU membership, common law system, industrial relations environment and English-speaking population. It is imperative that these elements of our FDI offering are retained.”
WILL NEW TORY WELFARE AND DISABILITY CUTS BE IMPLEMENTED IN BELFAST AFTER BRITISH BUDGET IN MARCH?
The (BRITISH TORY) government has said it plans to press ahead with cuts to employment and support allowance (ESA) for new disabled claimants of £29 a week, saying the savings would be reinvested in better support.
Those deemed well enough to prepare for returning to work will have their payments cut to £73 a week, bringing them into line with jobseeker’s allowance. Damian Green, the work and pensions secretary, has said these cuts will go ahead—GUARDIAN
Detailed Explanation of Lack Of Sovereignty of Stormont Assembly From Peoples Movement
PEOPLE’S NEWS
News Digest of the People’s Movement 02/02/2017 http://www.people.ie | post@people.ie http://www.people.ie/news/PN-161.pdf
Court finds that Stormont has no veto on EU
Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union provides that if a member-state decides to withdraw
from the EU “in accordance with its own constitutional requirements” it should serve a notice of
that intention, and that within two years thereafter the treaties that govern the EU “shall cease
to apply” to that member-state.
Following the referendum in June 2016 the British government proposed to withdraw from the European Union by serving a notice withdrawing from the EU treaties.
Recently the British Supreme Court examined the question whether, under existing constitutional arrangements, such a notice can lawfully be given by government ministers without prior
authorisation by an act of Parlia-ment. More importantly for people in Northern Ireland, the court considered whether Stormont’s devolved powers require agree-ment with it, or consultation
with it, before such a notice is served or otherwise operate to restrict the government’s power to do so.
In essence,this required the court to consider whether the terms of the
Northern Ireland Act (1998), and associated agreements, require primary legislation and the
consent of the Northern Ireland Assembly or the people of Northern Ireland (or both) before
such a notice can be served.
Under the devolution settlements the devolved legislatures of Northern Ireland, Scotland and
Wales have a responsibility to comply with EU law, and there is a convention
(the “Sewel Convention”) that Parliament will not normally exercise its right to legislate with
regard to devolved matters without the agree-ment of the devolved legislature.
The court found that while section 1 of the Northern Ireland Act gave the people of Northern
Ireland the right to determine whether to remain part of the United Kingdom or to become part
of a united Ireland, it does not regulate any other change in the constitutional status of Northern Ireland.
Although the devolution acts were passed by the British Parliament on the assumption that
the United Kingdom would be a member of the EU, they do not require the UK to remain a
member.
In addition, relations with the EU and other foreign affairs matters are reserved to the British Parliament and government, not to the devolved institutions. Withdrawal from the EU would
alter the competence of the devolved institutions, and remove the responsibilities to comply
with EU law. The decision to withdraw from the EU is not a function carried out by the Secretary
of State for Northern Ireland in relation to Northern Ireland within the meaning of section 75 of
the Northern Ireland Act.
As to the application of the Sewel convention, it operates as a political constraint on the activity
of the British Parliament, but the policing of its scope and operation is not within the
constitutional remit of the courts.
On the devolution issues the court unanimously concluded that neither section 1 nor section 75
of the Northern Ireland Act is of assistance in this case, and that the Sewel convention does not
give rise to a legally enforceable obligation. Stormont and the devolved legislatures, therefore,
do not possess a veto on the United Kingdom’s decision to withdraw from the EU.
■R. (on the application of Miller and Another) (Respondents) v. Secretary of State for Exiting
the European Union (Appellant)
■Reference by the Attorney General for Northern Ireland: In the matter of an application by
Agnew and others for Judicial Review
■Reference by the Court of Appeal (Northern Ireland): In the matter of an application by
Raymond McCord for Judicial Review. The relevant sections of the judgement are 126–51.
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NO 26-County Sovereignty in Dublin
As can be seen from the Irish Times article below the Free State Budget must be approved in advance by the EU every year.
The six-county Budget allocation is is determined by the UK Parliament.
FISCAL TREATY
In the 26-counties, adherence to the Fiscal Treaty, by the state with the support of FF, Fine Gael and Labour means that the state has negligible sovereignty to address the needs of the citizens in matters such as housing, health, education, capital investment etc. The most stark example is the failureof the EU to allow Ireland to borrow in order to build social housing. A letter from the Toiseach to the EU seeking permission has been ignored The first sentence of the new programme for government stipulates that all measures in the programme are subject to the requirements of the Fiscal Treaty. Sinn Féin and the left opposed the Fiscal Treaty in the referendum. Sinn Féin spokesperson Caoimhín Ó Caolain said in the Dail that the “treaty flies in the face of the 1916 Proclamation” in the matter of sovereignty. Yet the Sinn Fein manifesto in the most recent General Election and thesubsequent SF pre-budget submission, was framed within the restrictions of the Fiscal Treaty. Sinn Féin says it is “EU CRITICAL”
Foreign Direct Investment
Over reliance on foreign direct investment has further diminished sovereignty. It is widely understood that “the game is up” for reliance on foreign direct investment. The big powers, USA, Germay, France are now moving to change trade and tax rules in order to hall back the tax and jobs to their own countries. And that was befor PresidetTrump announced his intention to intensify this processThe 26-county state has no power to halt this process. It cannot replace foreign direct investment by state investment because of the restrictions on state borrowing contained in the Fiscal Treaty.
Sale of State Assets
Meanwhile the flow of money out of Ireland is increasing dramatically. IRELAND IS LITERALLY FOR SALE OR ALREADY SOLD OFF. In addition to the 7 billion Euro in interest which government is paying to service state debt, actual debt must now be payed down (not “rolled-Over”) under the Fisal Treaty. BUT AT LEAST AS MUCH IS PROBABLY GOING OUT TO INTERNATIONAL INVESTORS,INCLUDING VULTURES, IN RENTS ON HOMES AND BUSINESSES, MORTGAGE AND OTHER LOAN REPAYMENTS ON HOMES, BUSINESSES, LAND. THIS FOLLOWS SELL-OFFS BY NAMA AND THE BANKS TO TEXAS CAPITAl, GERMAN ALLIANZ etc. The question arises: Is there a higher proportion of wealth created in Ireland going out of the country to-day than in the era of Michael Davitt and The LAND LEAGUE? This is almost certainly true, if account is taken of repatriation of profits by multinational companies. The outflow will increase further when the big powers force multi-nationals to repatriate profits tax as well!
Conclusion
Outrageously, even the proceeds of sales of state assets through NAMA and the banks it owns, cannot be used to restore public services. These sales cannot be used to expand the “Fiscal Space” between revenue and state expenditure due to Fiscal Treaty Rules on current budget deficit and structural deficit. The prceeds must be used to pay down debt even though the state is way ahead of schedule on the rule about reducing debt to GDP ratio. The six-county and 26-county parliaments must be replced by an All-Ireland Constituent assembly flowin from an-All-Ireland mass campaign against austerity on the streets throughout the 32-counties
CONFIRMED-NO 26-COUNTY STATE ECONOMIC SOVEREIGNTY!
From Irish Times 06/12/2016 Minister for Finance Michael Noonan urged euro-zone finance ministers to grant more budget flexibility to Ireland on Monday as ministers discussed countries’ budgetary plans for 2017 during a euro-group meeting in Brussels. (Note: EU hs failed to grant Ireland permission to borrow the money required to build social housing despite a written request from An Taoiseach-Paddy Healy)Speaking after the discussion, euro group (of Finance Ministers)the chairman , who is also the Dutch finance minister, said ministers had agreed “that some member states can, if they choose to do so, use their favourable budgetary situation to strengthen their domestic demand and growth potential”.Last week, he told the European Parliament that the EU should focus on implementing budget rules rather than proposing fiscal stimulus. The euro group signed off on member states’ budgets for 2017, including Ireland’s, during the meeting. Ireland was found to have submitted a budgetary plan for 2017 that was “broadly compliant with the provisions of the Stability and Growth Pact”, the euro group said.
No Irish Sovereignty in Belfast Assembly and Executive !
UK supreme Court has decided that UK government does not need permission from Northern Executive to take Ni out of the EU and is not compelled by Law to even CONSULT the Executive on the issue. The Belfast Courts have decided that if the UK takes NI out of the EU without consent it would not breach the Good Friday Agreement. The court also decided that cross-community consent was not required to take NI out of EU. Cross-Community Consent only applies to leaving the UK!! The NI budjet allocation and cuts in that allocation are decided by the UK parliament.Already Public Service trade unions have held a one-day strike against the elimination of 20,000 public service jobs through cuts approved by the Executive How can Sinn Féin and the left ignore the SOVEREIGNTY issue in these circumstances.However there are many republicans and socialists in the six counties who understand the centrality of the sovereignty issue and contacts are developing.
Sinn Féin is merely calling for the enactment of promised legislation to support the Irish Langguage and a Bill of Rights.
But it is not calling for removal of British Sovereignty. While British sovereignty over the 6-counties exists these calls of Sinn Féin can be ignored.
Northern Area Committee of Communist Party of Ireland is seeking the same things in the framework of the Good Friday Agreement
People Before Profit (Linked to the Socialist Workers Party) ignores the sovereignty issue in its statements and election material for Asembly elections
AAA linked to the Socialist Party is not organised under that name in the North.It is called “labour Alternative” It is not linked to PBP in the North as it is in the south where it has formed a common parliamentary part AAA-PBP. Socialist Party(Northern Ireland) omits the Connolly goal of a socialist UNITED Ireland in a Socialist world from its “Where We Stand” statement
SWP (UK)-sister organisation of SWP(I) does not call on the British State to Disengage from Ireland
SP(UK) -sister organisation of SP(I) and SP(NI) does not call on the British State to Disengage from Ireland
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U-TURN As SINN Féin Minister orders Public Inuiry into Cash for ASH
Surprise move Irish Times Jan 19
There was some surprise that Sinn Féin has now called a public inquiry into the RHI scheme.
As recently as Thursday morning, the party had opposed attempts by DUP Minister for the Economy Simon Hamilton to set up such an inquiry.
However, on Thursday evening, Mr Ó Muilleoir moved to establish his own inquiry into the scheme.
“It is clear that, with time short until the Assembly dissolves, the only way to serve the public interest is for me as Finance Minister to move to institute a public inquiry immediately,” said Mr Ó Muilleoir.
“No other type of investigation is now feasible given time pressures.
“I have now instructed officials to take the necessary steps to establish a public inquiry under the Inquiries Act, 2005, into the RHI scheme.
“I have received legal advice in regard to these matters. I will make a full statement to the Assembly next week.”
Mr O Muilleoir said the inquiry would be impartial and objective.
“I will not interfere in its work. It will be tasked to get to the truth of this issue,” he said.
“Under the Inquiries Act, the inquiry report must go to the Finance Minister.
“I give a commitment that I or any Sinn Féin Minister will release the report in full to the public on receipt. I call on all parties to sign up to unrestricted, unedited publication.
“I am aware that the RHI issue goes beyond financial matters to questions of governance and probity.
“By getting to the truth of the RHI scandal, this enquiry report will, I believe, address those wider issues, and, therefore, put the public first.”
Political response
Ms Foster welcomed Mr Ó Muilleoir’s “change of heart” in setting up the public inquiry.
“I am very pleased that the inquiry is going to be set up and finally we will get some due process in and around these matters and we will get the truth of what happened.
“As I have always said, and as was confirmed in the [public accounts] committee, I have absolutely nothing to hide,” she said.
SDLP North Belfast MLA Nichola Mallon also welcomed what she said was Sinn Féin’s public inquiry “u-turn”.
“It is welcome that after months of resisting a public inquiry, after weeks of deriding and debasing the SDLP demand for a public inquiry and within hours of the SDLP leader renewing his call for a change in their position on a public inquiry, that Sinn Féin have now moved to launch a public inquiry,” she said.
The UUP finance spokesman Philip Smith said Sinn Féin had “turned on their heels” by agreeing to hold the inquiry under the Inquiries Act.
“What on earth is Sinn Fein’s game here? One minute they are producing their own terms of reference for an independent inquiry. Then they are lambasting others for suggesting the Inquiries Act be used.
“Earlier today, [Sinn Féin’s] Declan Kearney was insisting they would not trigger an inquiry. Yet this afternoon they have totally turned on their heels.”
GOO FRIDAY AGREEMENT WILL NOT PREVENT THE UK TAKING NORTHERN IRELAND OUT OF THE EU-BELFAST COURTS HAVE DECIDED
Cross-Community Consent NOT NEEDED FOR BREXIT. CONSENT REQUIREMENT ONLY APPLIES TO LEAVING UK!
From Irish Times
Some in Northern Ireland still want a Brexit problem
Newton Emerson Irish Times Thursday, January 26, 2017
Pro-Remain Northern Ireland has just had all its legal fears about Brexit put to rest. So why the strange lack of jubilation? There should at least be expressions of relief: “phew, the Belfast Agreement will not be breached in any way”, that sort of thing. Yet there is no sign of it. It is almost as if some people want there to be a problem.
The good news was delivered on Tuesday by the UK’s supreme court. It found against the British government, which must now hold a vote in the House of Commons on triggering article 50 – the mechanism for leaving the EU.
But the court also threw out a bundle of pro-Remain arguments from Belfast, on their own merits and in light of the article 50 ruling, creating a watertight, double defeat for the original plaintiffs.
Two cases against Brexit were brought to Belfast High Court last September, one by a victims campaigner and the other by a group of human rights organisations and Stormont politicians, including the leaders of the SDLP, Greens and Alliance, plus a Sinn Féin former minister.
A premise of each case was that taking Northern Ireland out of the EU would breach the Belfast Agreement. The high court heard both cases together and rejected them on every point.
It is worth a quick run-through of those points to demonstrate how comprehensively a breach has been debunked.
The plaintiffs claimed the constitutional status of Northern Ireland is being changed without the population’s permission, contrary to the consent principle underpinning the entire peace process.
They said the nine mentions of the EU in the agreement mean membership is “inextricably woven” into the law enacting it.
Not only should parliament have a vote, they argued, but Stormont and the other devolved executives should have a veto.
The judge disagreed, finding that all mentions of the EU in the agreement are incidental, EU membership is not devolved so Stormont’s input is not required, and the consent principle applies specifically to leaving the UK.
Everyone then announced their wish to appeal, causing Northern Ireland’s attorney general John Larkin to step in and refer four key points up to the supreme court.
Larkin concurred that Brexit will not breach the agreement but felt this deserved a conclusive verdict from the highest court in the land.
Unanimously endorsed
The supreme court has now unanimously endorsed the Belfast ruling, without caveat. Even the three judge who dissented on article 50 agreed with their colleagues on all matters relating to Northern Ireland. Furthermore, because there will now be a UK parliament vote on article 50, the court added that nothing about Northern Ireland’s removal from Europe breaches any law, treaty or part of the constitution.
None of this means political concerns about Brexit are irrelevant. However, the law is supposedly more objective than politics. Stormont’s pro-Remain politicians have given that credence by bringing their case and seeking an appeal,both actions based on points of law by definition.
Any failure to accept the finality of the judgements against them not only perpetuates a false impression of damage to the peace process but undermines the power of the courts to correct it.
There was a demonstration of how dangerous this can be last Saturday, when Gerry Adams told a Sinn Féin conference that Brexit is a “hostile action” that will “destroy the Good Friday Agreement”.
Consent principle
His comments were not a one-off. They were echoed by Michelle O’Neill, Sinn Féin’s new Northern leader, on her appointment by Adams two days later. O’Neill added that Brexit contravenes the consent principle.
Sinn Féin may have been getting its lines in before the supreme court verdict. The party is certainly positioning itself for a Stormont election and talks, and it is fully entitled to use Brexit for that purpose. The British position is hardly beyond criticism.
But writing the agreement’s epitaph was as irresponsible as it was groundless. Given the challenges ahead, political leaders should be assuring supporters that at least the legal basis of peace is not threatened. No single party owns the agreement – especially not Sinn Féin, which abstained from the show of hands that passed it. If judging its demise cannot be left to judges alone, neither should it be left to Adams.
The Sinn Féin president told last Saturday’s conference that Irish politics must respond to Brexit by coming together to plan for unification. This is not incompatible with first coming together to reject self-serving attacks on the peace process – quite the opposite, in fact.
Brexit is an act of appalling carelessness towards Ireland, and many people may sincerely perceive it to be hostile. But it does not breach one word of the Belfast Agreement and that is as definitive as such a judgement can ever be.
British Supreme Court Confirms That UK Government is Not Legally Compelled to EVEN CONSULT Norther Executive let Alone Seek Its Permission to Trigger Brexit
THIS MEANS THAT NORTHERN EXECUTIVE MUST IMPLEMENT BRITISH RULE
From London Independent
Ministers do not need to ask permission from Northern Ireland, Scotland or Wales before triggering Article 50, the Supreme Court has ruled.
The UK’s most senior judges said the Government was not legally compelled to consult devolved legislatures.
The so-called Sewel Convention means that the UK Parliament generally does not legislate on devolved matters without consulting the other legislatures, but the court ruled unanimously that it “does not give rise to a legally enforceable obligation“.
The Demonstration of JAN 21,2017 Was A Great FIRST STEP
Maith Sibh go Léir! Congratulations to the participants an to the organisers of the demonstration to-day. It was fitting that it took place on the anniversary of the first meeting of the First (all-Ireland) Dáil . The manifesto read by Pól Ó Scanaill, National Organiser of the 1916 Societies, was truly inspiring!
JANUARY 21 MANIFESTO
The manifest was grounded on the teachings of James Connolly-“the cause of Irish Unity is a Social Cause”. The Democratic Programme of the First Dail was quoted. In that programme the right to human welfare was placed above the right to private property. A return to this principle is urgently necessary to stop evictions of people from homes and farms. The preamble to the Fenian Manifesto 1867 was referenced. The Fenian document stressed the necessity to overthrow foreign landlords who were sucking the blood out of the country. At a time when Ireland is being sold off to vultures who are moving billions out of the country, the overthrow of these international gangsters is again necessary.
For a new Michael Davitt ! For a new James Connolly!
FULL DOCUMENT
National Demonstration Statement 21th January 2017
We have suffered centuries of outrage, enforced poverty, and bitter misery. Our rights and liberties have been trampled on by an alien aristocracy, who treating us as foes, usurped our lands, and drew away from our unfortunate country all material riches. The real owners of the soil were removed to make room for cattle, and driven across the ocean to seek the means of living, and the political rights denied to them at home, while our men of thought and action were condemned to loss of life and liberty. But we never lost the memory and hope of a national existence. We appealed in vain to the reason and sense of justice of the dominant powers.
Those words are not part of the statement from the organisers of today’s National Demonstration, they are the first paragraph of the Fenian proclamation of 1867 which were written 150 years ago this year. They may well have been written in 2017.
We are still suffering enforced poverty.
Our rights and liberties are still being trampled on.
Our material riches are again being drawn away from the country.
The real owners of the land are again being removed, we are being evicted from our homes, our land and SME’s by foreign vulture funds and financial institutions.
Our children are again being driven across the oceans to seek a means of living.
History is repeating itself.
This National Demonstration was called as a result of the various and wide ranging issues effecting people right across this island. Homelessness , evictions , exorbitant rents, political and judicial corruption, health care , cutbacks to vital services , the rape of our natural resources including our water , oil and gas, fisheries etc. Each one of you people here today will have your own specific issue that motivated you to come out onto the streets. You are testament to the fact that the political systems on this island are dysfunctional; they are not fit for purpose. We are a grassroots movement of ordinary people who are here to say WE HAVE HAD ENOUGH.
It is our intention that this demonstration will be the start of national people’s movement for real change, A 32 county campaign against austerity. We want you to go back to your town, city and county to organise an effective campaign against all of the issues that are affecting us. We will be organising days of actions , acts of civil disobedience like Apollo house , we will hold accountable their corrupt banks , their eviction courts and the whole array of corrupt institutions which are working against the best interests of the Irish people.
Ireland is the victim of a carefully planned process of social and economic engineering driven and directed by global corporations and financial institutions with full compliance and collusion of the European union and home grown gombeen politicians.
Ireland is being asset stripped, we are witnessing the transfer of vast amounts of public wealth into private hands and into the coffers of the global elite. The 1%
When Lehman brothers bank collapsed in 2008 it set off a chain of events that was used as the catalyst for one the greatest financial scams in world history. A complete lack of financial regulation by the Irish central bank and dept of finance left Ireland completely exposed to the worst effects of the banking crash. Claims have been made that the financial regulator, central bank and government ministers were asleep at the wheel, that they were unaware of the impending financial disaster but we now know that that certain economists and people like Jonathan Sugarman had warned them, warnings that they ignored. Under threats from the ECB that financial bombs would go off in Dublin the fianna fail/Greens government capitulated and we the Irish people were sacrificed to save the European banking system and the euro. The population of this state comprises of less than 0.5% of Europe yet we were forced to pay 42% of the cost of the European banking collapse. An odious debt was foisted onto the shoulders of our children and future generations. Fianna fail , fine gael and labour put the interests of their European masters and bondholders before the Irish people.
The state turned to the international monetary fund , the European central bank and the European commission for funding of almost €70 billion to finance budget deficits, the bailout of bondholders and to recapitalise so called pillar banks. The Troika had taken control, the false pretence that this state had economic sovereignty was exposed , the funding they provided was contingent on the implementation of savage neo-liberal austerity policies. These vicious austerity policies initially instigated by Fianna Fail and the greens were enthusiastically enforced by Fine Gael and labour with an iron fist. We quickly found out that Labours way was the Troika’s and the blueshirts way. These austerity measures had a devastating effect on people already suffering rising unemployment and huge levels of indebtedness, by design they impacted most severely on the most vulnerable in society , our old people , the sick , people with disabilities , carers the unemployed and low and middle income earners.
Families were yet again forced into poverty, forced into a choice between paying mortgages to increasingly aggressive banks or putting food on the table resulting in children going to school hungry. Shamefully it was the labour party and a woman Joan Burton who almost singlehandedly dismantled a system of social protection which forced more and more people into poverty. The net result is that over 150,000 children are living in consistent poverty while those most responsible retired on massive pensions, this is how they cherish all the children of the nation equally.
DEMOCRACY/SOVEREIGNTY
It is not a coincident that we called the National Demonstration for today the 21st of January. Today is the 98Th anniversary of the establishment of the First Dail Eireann, the ratification of the Sovereign Republic declared in arms on Easter week 1916 and the start of the war for Independence. The First Dail Eireann was established by the democratic will of all of the people on this island, to effect real change national democracy and sovereignty must be restored to the people of Ireland. We have two failed states on this island with two failed political institutions who do not serve the interests of the people they purport to represent, the Leinster house and Stormont assemblies were established by the English crown to suppress the democratic Republic. The members of both of these institutions have enforced EU and british tory austerity policies on the people , its members are united only through their sense of entitlement , privilege , their greed and avarice. The All-Ireland Republic must be restored based on the principles of the 1916 Proclamation and the Programme for government of the first Dail. The democratic deficit on this island will only be addressed when the right of the Irish people to self-determination is upheld.
EVICTIONS/HOMELESSNESS/HOUSING
Ireland has a full blown homelessness, eviction and housing crisis. the government here is in denial they still refuse to acknowledge that we have a national emergency. This crisis is not an accident it is a result of the commoditisation of the Irish housing market, government and judicial collusion in home evictions, the abdication of government responsibility to build affordable social housing, a complete failure to cap spiralling rents and a total lack of regulation to protect tenants, the reliance on the charity sector to provide services to homeless people with addiction and special care needs. The result of this is that 2500 children are living in emergency accommodation in hotels and B+B’s.
Michael Noonan as minister for finance rolled out the red carpet for vulture funds to buy distressed mortgages at heavy discounts; they pay little or no tax on the vast profits they are exporting out of the country. As many as 90,000 Irish loans are now in the claws of vulture funds one of the largest tranche of 15.000 loans were sold as part of the liquidation of IRBC.
They are not just after our homes, they are now coming after our land and farms. Hundreds of family farms face repossession as financial institutions offload distressed loans, Ulster bank recently sold €2.5 billion of agricultural loans to US vulture fund Cerberus. The same vultures involved in the controversial sale of the NAMA portfolio in the north. Other vultures are queuing up to buy up agri-loans. Farmers were encouraged to invest in the dairy sector to take advantage of the abolition of milk quotas. Milk prices have fallen through the floor with farmers barely covering the cost of production. Simon Coveney as minister for agriculture was the chief cheerleader encouraging farmers to borrow to increase herd sizes and milk production infrastructure. We call on farmers and rural communities to join with us, your fight is our fight .Our fight is your fight.
We are calling for recognition that the right to a home is a basic human right with constitutional guarantees to such effect.
A declaration of a national housing emergency
A moratorium on all family home evictions.
An across the board mortgage write-down based on the successful Icelandic model.
The removal of all rights of vulture funds to profiteer from the misery of families.
The repeal of the 2013 land and conveyancing law reform act and the 2016 courts bill.
A nationwide programme to build affordable social housing partly funded by retrospective taxation on vulture funds and tax avoiding corporations including the billions owed by Apple to this state
An immediate programme to utilise vacant properties particularly boarded up council houses and NAMA properties to eliminate the use of hotels and B&B’s for homeless families.The establishment of a national body to replace the ad-hoc system of charitable organisations dealing with homeless people.
NATURAL RESOURCES
Since the establishment of this state, successive governments have allowed foreign corporations to exploit our natural resources for profit with little or no benefit to the Irish economy, the most recent example being the Corrib gas field. All over the island of Ireland vast profits from the mining of zinc, gold , diamonds , lithium and other minerals are flowing into the coffers of multi-national corporations. The Irish fishing industry has been decimated by an EU enforced quota system, billions of euro’s are lost to the economy each year. Traditional fishing communities have been devastated while foreign super trawlers plunder our fish stocks.
We are calling for the nationalisation of the Corrib gas field.
The establishment of a national exploration agency based on the Norwegian state oil model.
All wealth derived from our natural resources must be used for the benefit of the Irish people.
HEALTH CARE
The health care system is totally dysfunctional, the last number of weeks saw record numbers of people lying on hospital trolleys. Hundreds of thousands of patients are waiting for vital operations and procedures. Successive governments have presided over shocking neglect of the healthcare system. The closure of hospital bed and the downgrading of rural hospitals and A&E’s, Failure to deliver on commitments made to deal with overcrowding in emergency departments and an exodus of Irish nurses and doctors have all contributed to the crisis. We believe that this is a deliberate policy to decimate the healthcare system driving more and more people to seek private healthcare for their basic needs, it is no coincidence that Denis O Brien is investing in private hospitals.
We are calling for investment in our healthcare system where our people are treated on their needs rather than ability to pay.
We wish to commend the grassroots activists and volunteers who took part in the Apollo house occupation ( some of whom are here with us today ) . The occupation highlighted a very specific aspect of the homelessness crisis, it completely exposed the lies of Dublin city council that there is an abundant supply of suitable accommodation and hostels to cater for rough sleepers with special social and healthcare needs.
I will leave you with words from James Connolly
“ The Irishman frees himself from slavery when he realises the truth that the capitalist system is the most foreign thing in Ireland, the Irish question is a social question. The whole age long fight of the Irish people against their oppressors resolves itself in the last analysis into a fight for the mastery of the means of life, the sources of production, in Ireland. Who would control the land ? The people or the invader; and if the invaders, which set of them – the most recent swarm of land thieves.or the sons of the thieves of a former generation.
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Economic Policy of Over-Dependence on Foreign Direct Investment,Privatisation of State Companies, is Leading Ireland to Disaster as TRUMP TARGETS BIG PHARMA
Irish Times Report: “We’ve got to get our drug industry back,” the incoming US president Trump said. “Our drug industry has been disastrous. They’re leaving left and right. They supply our drugs, but they don’t make them here, to a large extent.”
Many US pharma companies have moved business out of the US in an effort to cut their tax bills. The incoming president has promised reform of corporate taxes to stem that tide.
The Republic has been among the most successful countries in persuading US pharmaceutical and medical device companies to establish manufacturing and research operations outside the US. More than 50,000 people are employed in these areas in Ireland, according to IDA Ireland, and US companies are the largest employers.-Irish Times
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CONFIRMED-NO IRISH ECONOMIC SOVEREIGNTY!
From Irish Times 06/12/2016
Minister for Finance Michael Noonan urged euro-zone finance ministers to grant more budget flexibility to Ireland on Monday as ministers discussed countries’ budgetary plans for 2017 during a euro-group meeting in Brussels. ………(Note: EU hs failed to grant Ireland permission to borrow the money required to build social housing despite a written request from An Taoiseach-Paddy Healy)
Speaking after the discussion, euro group (of Finance Ministers) chairman Jeroen Dijsselbloem, who is also the Dutch finance minister, said ministers had agreed “that some member states can, if they choose to do so, use their favourable budgetary situation to strengthen their domestic demand and growth potential”.
Last week, he told the European Parliament that the EU should focus on implementing budget rules rather than proposing fiscal stimulus.
The euro group signed off on member states’ budgets for 2017, including Ireland’s, during the meeting. Ireland was found to have submitted a budgetary plan for 2017 that was “broadly compliant with the provisions of the Stability and Growth Pact”, the euro group said in a statement.
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The Role of the National Question in the Irish Socialist Revolution
When I wrote this 12 months ago it got a very muted response. BUT . .
AFTER THE ELECTION OF TRUMP IT IS ClEARLY Correct
“Over reliance on foreign direct investment has further diminished sovereignty. As can be studied further down here, it is widely understood that “the game is up” for reliance on foreign direct investment. The big powers, USA, Germay, France are now moving to change trade and tax rules in order to hall back the tax and jobs to their own countries. The 26-county state has no power to halt this process. It cannot replace foreign direct investment by state investment because of the restrictions on state borrowing contained in the Fiscal Treaty.”
It is widely believed that the national question has no further role in the fight or socialism in Ireland and in the wider world.
Nothing could be further from the truth. In fact the question of the independence and sovereignty of the Irish people has become the most pressing issue for workers and oppressed Irish people generally.
It is appropriate that this matter be seriously discussed in the trade union and republican movements on the centenary of the execution of James Connolly.
The only elected political representative who has pressed this issue either in the Dáil or, indeed, in the Stormont Assembly is Seamus Healy TD.
In the 6 counties it is very clear that in “Northern Ireland”, British government cuts are being implemented through the collaboration of Sinn Fein and the DUP. No significant political formation has raised the issue of the sovereignty of the Irish people in the recent assembly elections. It is clear that further British cuts are on the way and Sinn Féin is claiming that it cannot resist them through the Stormot Executive!! This is against the backdrop of the massive decline of traditional industry in the region in recent decades. This leaves the 6-county economy hugely dependent on public service employment which is now being cut.
In the 26-counties, adherence to the Fiscal Treaty, by the state with the support of FF, Fine Gael and Labour means that the state has negligible sovereignty to address the needs of the citizens in matters such as housing, health, education, capital investment etc. The first sentence of the new programme for government stipulates that all measures in the programme are subject to the requirements of the Fiscal Treaty. Sinn Féin and the left opposed the Fiscal Treaty in the referendum. Sinn Féin spokesperson Caoimhín Ó Caolain said in the Dail that the “treaty flies in the face of the 1916 Proclamation” in the matter of sovereignty. Yet the Sinn Fein manifesto in the recent General Election was framed within the restrictions of the Fiscal Treaty.
Over reliance on foreign direct investment has further diminished sovereignty. As can be studied further down here, it is widely understood that “the game is up” for reliance on foreign direct investment. The big powers, USA, Germay, France are now moving to change trade and tax rules in order to hall back the tax and jobs to their own countries. The 26-county state has no power to halt this process. It cannot replace foreign direct investment by state investment because of the restrictions on state borrowing contained in the Fiscal Treaty.
Meanwhile the flow of money out of Ireland is increasing dramatically. IRELAND IS LITERALLY FOR SALE OR ALREADY SOLD OFF. In addition to the 7 billion Euro in interest which government is paying to service state debt, actual debt must now be payed down (not “rolled-Over”) under the Fisal Treaty. BUT AT LEAST AS MUCH IS PROBABLY GOING OUT TO INTERNATIONAL INVESTORS,INCLUDING VULTURES, IN RENTS ON HOMES AND BUSINESSES, MORTGAGE AND OTHER LOAN REPAYMENTS ON HOMES, BUSINESSES, LAND. THIS FOLLOWS SELL-OFFS BY NAMA AND THE BANKS TO TEXAS CAPITAl, GERMAN ALLIANZ etc. The question arises: Is there a higher proportion of wealth created in Ireland going out of the country to-day than in the era of Michael Davitt and The LAND LEAGUE? This is almost certainly true, if account is taken of repatriation of profits by multinational companies. The outflow will increase further when the big powers force multi-nationals to repatriate profits tax as well!
A huge crisis of rule of the methods of capitalist rule is developing throughout the island of Ireland. The setting aside by the people of the FF/FG rotation in government is but the beginning of the crisis. The strong vote for candidates to the left of Sinn Fein in the poorer nationalist areas in the recent Assembly Election is but a flavour of what is to come in the 6-counties.
Historical Background
Henry Joy, Wolfe Tone, “the Boys of Wexford” though heroic did not succeed in establishing a sovereign independent republic in the process that led to the 1798 rebellion. France had become a single sovereign independent capitalist state in 1789 as feudalism was overthrown in the French Revolution.
The rebellions of 1848 and 1867 (fenians) were also unsuccessful.
When the 1916-1923 process loomed in Ireland, Britain, Germany, USA, Holland, Belgium etc had already established strong indigenous capitalist economies, had extensive colonies and had already begun an inter-imperialist war for markets.
Ireland was so far behind in economic development that the establishment of a viable independent Irish capitalist economy and state was effectively impossible.
Some wrongly conclude that demands for Irish unity, sovereignty and independence are futile and out-dated. But nothing could be further from the truth.
What came after 1916 Rebellion? All-Ireland Elected Assembly 1918 Committed to Irish Unity, Independence and Sovereignty!!!!!!
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CONFIRMED-NO IRISH ECONOMIC SOVEREIGNTY!
From Irish Times 06/12/2016
Minister for Finance Michael Noonan urged euro-zone finance ministers to grant more budget flexibility to Ireland on Monday as ministers discussed countries’ budgetary plans for 2017 during a euro-group meeting in Brussels. ………(Note: EU hs failed to grant Ireland permission to borrow the money required to build social housing despite a written request from An Taoiseach-Paddy Healy)
Speaking after the discussion, euro group (of Finance Ministers) chairman Jeroen Dijsselbloem, who is also the Dutch finance minister, said ministers had agreed “that some member states can, if they choose to do so, use their favourable budgetary situation to strengthen their domestic demand and growth potential”.
Last week, he told the European Parliament that the EU should focus on implementing budget rules rather than proposing fiscal stimulus.
The euro group signed off on member states’ budgets for 2017, including Ireland’s, during the meeting. Ireland was found to have submitted a budgetary plan for 2017 that was “broadly compliant with the provisions of the Stability and Growth Pact”, the euro group said in a statement.
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ICTU President, John Douglas, Opposes Welfare Cuts and Public Sector job losses being Imposed By Tories in Northern Ireland
Ictu is an all-Ireland organisation and Mr Douglas said that Northern Ireland was the most deprived region in the UK. He said if left unchallenged, welfare cuts and the 20,000 public sector job losses being enforced by the Tory administration in London would plunge Northern Ireland into the dark ages.
Mr Douglas urged delegates at the conference to stand and applaud the people of Greece who he said were being put through the ringer by their creditors.
He called for a European debt conference “at which the issue of debt and debt restructuring is considered from the social perspective of the peoples ofEurope, rather than solely from the financial institutions of Europe and the ideologues of austerity”.
I, Paddy Healy, call on ICTU Leaders to Launch an All-Ireland 32-County Campaign Against Austerity IMMEDIATELY
Principled Republican Budget Speech-Seamus Healy TD(Tipperary) in Dáil
Listen Live on You tube https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=ftt9wX2daRI
Deputy Seamus Healy:In his Budget Statement, the Minister, Deputy Donohoe, told us the budget will create a fairer society. This is dishonest claptrap. The budget maintains and widens the rich-poor gap in our society. Under the tax and the universal social charge changes alone, the wealthiest 5% of people in our society, those on average incomes of €186,000 a year, will get a €15 per week increase and, of course, they will get it from 1 January. They are not subject to any wealth tax and neither are they subject to any assets tax, even though net financial assets have increased and are now higher than peak boom levels. They have increased threefold from €69 billion in 2008 to €192 billion in 2015.
The budget also provides for outrageous increases to politicians, to which I am opposed. It provides for an increase of €15,000 for the Taoiseach of the day, an increase of €11,000 per annum for a Minister and €5,500 for a Deputy in the House. Compare this to how our old age pensioners were treated in the budget. Pensioners on a little over €12,000 per annum will receive an increase of €5 a week, but not until March. This is less than what they received last year. Despite the promises of the so-called Independence Alliance, there is no return of the telephone allowance, no increase in fuel allowance, no increase in the household benefits package and no increase in the living alone allowance.
This budget is socially divisive and deeply unfair.
It means that a total of 750,000 people continue to live in poverty in this country; one in five children will live in households with incomes below the poverty line; one in four of those living in poverty is a child; almost 20% of those whose income is below the poverty line are working and they are the working poor; since 2007 the deprivation rate has almost doubled; and, therefore, that 1.3 million or 29% of the population live in a state of deprivation. This budget, once again, protects and supports the rich and powerful in our society while low, middle income and poor families are doomed to live from hand to mouth.
This budget is a pretence. In it, the Government is pretending to determine public expenditure and taxation in the State. The reality is that revenue from all sources will be approximately €50 billion. The House is determining the disposal of only less than €2 billion or 4% of the total. The EU powers, through the fiscal treaty, have determined the disposal of the other 96%. The charade being enacted here tonight flies in the face of the 1916 Proclamation, which declared “the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland, and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies, to be sovereign and indefeasible”. The Government, similar to the outgoing Government, has sold our sovereignty to the EU.
The Minister for Finance recently told the Committee of Public Accounts that the EU powers insisted on the rapid sell-off of NAMA properties, even though retaining them would have led to higher prices being achieved for the taxpayer. Together with the sell-off of assets by banks, it is probable that there is now greater foreign ownership of Irish assets than when British landlords owned all the land. Effectively there is no sovereignty residing in the State.
The various proposals in the budget in respect of health, housing and education are grossly inadequate. Housing is a fundamental right of human beings, but, shamefully, the Taoiseach has written to the EU seeking permission to borrow the money required to build social housing. Ireland does not have even the sovereignty to house its own people. The Government has also refused to formally declare a housing emergency, something that is necessary to deal with the housing crisis. It is essential under the Constitution but the Government through banks it owns, other banks, and landlords, including vulture funds, is continuing to evict people. As a result, unfortunate families have been devastated by suicides.
Unnecessary deaths will continue in our hospitals despite heroic efforts by staff. According to the Irish Medical Organisation, IMO, hospitals are now operating in “the death zone” where occupancy levels are in many cases more than 92.5%, which is leading to significant increases in mortality rates. Despite the intense efforts of front-line staff, in particular, once occupancy rates reach this level, deaths occur that would not otherwise happen. Ireland needs an additional 3,500 inpatient hospital beds immediately to bring us in line with the western European average. By abiding by the fiscal treaty, the Government is causing unnecessary deaths and unnecessary pain.
With regard to education, class sizes in the primary sector are the highest in the eurozone. The programme for Government makes a specific commitment to smaller classes, but the budget proposals are inadequate. The pre-cut capitation rate should be restored immediately. In primary and second level schools, the full pre-cut quota of assistant principal and special duties posts must be restored in the interest of pupils. Our third level system is grossly underfunded and being continuously damaged. Today’s measures are grossly inadequate to solve these problems.
At a time the Government cannot deliver safe hospitalisation or housing, or halt evictions and related suicides, it is farcical that an additional €255 million must be contributed to the EU budget this year. In his presentation to the Committee on Budgetary Oversight, the Minister for Finance confirmed that the financial emergency is over. This was also recently re-certified by the Minister for the Public Expenditure and Reform. The confiscation of public service pensions under the FEMPI legislation is, therefore, unconstitutional. The right to private property of pensioners in their pensions must be fully restored immediately. This is not provided for in the budget. In addition, the pension reductions imposed on occupational pensioners in State bodies and in the private sector must be restored.
The budget is a joint effort by Fine Gael, the so-called Independent Alliance and Fianna Fáil. Fianna Fáil has taken responsibility for this shameful and socially divisive budget. The problems relating to health, education, housing, roads and various other public services will not be resolved until Irish sovereignty as set out in the Democratic Programme of the First Dáil of 1919 is re-established. This requires the political defeat of the austerity parties, Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Labour Party, and those prepared to support or to coalesce with them in the framework of the fiscal treaty. It is important to recall what the Democratic Programme of the First Dáil said. It stated, “We declare in the words of the Irish Republican Proclamation the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland, and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies, to be indefeasible, and in the language of our first President, Pádraig Mac Phiarais, we declare that the Nation’s sovereignty extends not only to all men and women of the Nation, but to all its material possessions, the Nation’s soil and all its resources, all the wealth and all the wealth-producing processes within the Nation, and with him we reaffirm [remember this] that all right to private property must be subordinated to the public right and welfare.” That sentence is particularly relevant to the housing crisis and the need immediately to formally declare a housing emergency.
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Bernadette Devlin McAliskey on Sinn Féin
“Asked if this makes Sinn Féin “bad nationalists”, she says it reveals them as “bad republicans”, if republicanism is about being true to the ideals of Thomas Paine and Wolfe Tone. “If you take as the keystone of republicanism that authority exercised over a human being, without that human being’s acquiescence and knowledge, is a usurpation of that person’s rights, then by what definition are Sinn Féin republicans?”-Interview in Irish Times 23/09/2016
Paddy Healy This is correct. But it is important to understand that the implementation of British Rule in any part of Ireland is a violation of that “keystone ideal” espoused by Tone and Connolly
Full Interview http://www.irishtimes.com/life-and-style/people/bernadette-mcaliskey-i-am-astounded-i-survived-i-made-mad-decisions-1.2798293
Extract
Her (Bernadette) lecture , “A Terrible State of Chassis” – after the famous pronouncement first made by Captain Jack Boyle at the close of Sean O’Casey’s 1924 play, Juno and the Paycock – will be an opportunity to look at the aspirations of the early 20th century “and how far we have not come”, she says.
“It would be wrong to say there has been no progress at all since 1969,” says McAliskey. “But 1969 came at the end of almost 50 years of neglect by the British state, where unionists were allowed to treat the Catholic community as unequal citizens. To my mind, since then, we went round in a very long, destructive circle to end up in a place close to where we started in 1924.
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Bernadette Devlin McAliskey in an Interview with Ronan Burtenshaw in USA left-wing Journal “Jacobin Magazine”
In the North “Sinn Féin are losing the trust and the support of the people who once voted for them, the Catholic working class”
Extract
Bernadette D:”But many who fought in the democratic and the armed struggle perceive themselves to be no better off. The economic and social system we have has consigned them to is continued welfare, poor education, and now austerity. Yet their opposition to this is described as “dissidence” and dismissed.
Meanwhile, I am seeing things come full circle. I have lived to see food banks in Dungannon, where I work. When we were young and angry enough to be marching here against poverty in the 1960s, there was nobody living on food banks. The social housing waiting list in this town is now greater than it was when the Dungannon Housing Action movement started(in the 1960’s).”
INTERVIEW (the first part of the interview dealt with the Civil Rights Movement and the visit of Bernadette to the USA at that time. The interviewer then turned to current 6-county politics))
RB:How much of a role do you think this middle-class consensus plays in propping up the peace process? Does the imposition of austerity on working-class communities have a potential to undermine it?
Bernadette D:We now have two parties in government who are representing the middle classes and who benefit from the status quo, Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party. They are kept apart by the sectarian nature of the peace process and its institutions, which divides things between two communities.
Then we have a layer of people below who have been left out completely and are becoming disillusioned. But, because of the underlying sectarian logic, not just of the institutions but of the story told to put this all together, this feeling is pushing the Catholic and Protestant working class further apart, not closer. At the same time, the two parties in government tell their constituencies “we’ve won” while they cut corporate tax rate and introduce austerity measures.
Sinn Féin have moved further and further to accommodate this new reality and, in doing so, created a dynamic they largely don’t see. They are losing the trust and the support of the people who once voted for them, the Catholic working class.
Those people have been replaced by the Catholic middle class which most benefited from the peace process. These are former Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) voters. They have a vested interest in stability and participation in the state, so they now support Sinn Féin.
But many who fought in the democratic and the armed struggle perceive themselves to be no better off. The economic and social system we have has consigned them to is continued welfare, poor education, and now austerity. Yet their opposition to this is described as “dissidence” and dismissed.
Meanwhile, I am seeing things come full circle. I have lived to see food banks in Dungannon, where I work. When we were young and angry enough to be marching here against poverty in the 1960s, there was nobody living on food banks. The social housing waiting list in this town is now greater than it was when the Dungannon Housing Action movement started.
And yet, at exactly the same time, the Catholic middle class has never been better off. They were brought in from the cold in the first years of the peace process when there was the security of state jobs. There weren’t jobs for the working class, in many cases, but there was welfare.
The situation has reached such a stage now, though, that even that is under attack. The Tories don’t feel that they need it. Why would they? People want peace and are willing to comply. The flip side of this is that for many people poverty will be written in as a condition of the peace.
The politicians have organized this year so that we will have our election first and the welfare reforms planned under the Tory Fresh Start agreement second. This is because everyone knows the depth of these reforms. We in the North are headed for a period of poverty that will scare people. I see it because of where I’m working.
Sinn Féin will be unable to mitigate against that when it hits the ground. They will be able to say the British government cheated us, but that won’t be enough.
RB:What do you think led Sinn Féin to that point? Is there any chance they could take a leftward turn, bringing their Northern politics closer to the ones they espouse in the South?
Bernadette D:I remember my last serious conversation with Gerry Adams on the peace process in the 1990s. I asked him then, “What is your Plan B if this doesn’t work?” He didn’t have one. It was clear that this was the only game in town. We are seeing the effects of that now because even if they wanted to stand up to austerity they couldn’t do it.
I missed a key point in that conversation. At the time, I thought, “This is a high-risk, short-term strategy.” In fact, it wasn’t that. It was a low-risk, long-term strategy. The two sides had fought to an impasse and that impasse was being set up as the new normal.
The British policy was to demilitarize but also to demobilize and demoralize the resistance to its government. Sinn Féin became the mechanism by which that could be done. The peace process, which was supposed to last four or five years, is now almost twenty years old and is not finished yet.
For Sinn Féin the problem is one faced by a lot of electoral parties. You organize a mass movement and you oppose the political system, but to create a space to advance the struggle at a certain point you go into elections. If you win, you become part of that political system and that imposes its own logic.
In order to advance the struggle you have to defend your position, but to defend this position you think you have to make sure a majority votes for you. The end result is that while you got into elections to say what needed to be said, you ended up saying what needed to be said to keep your elected position.
Today, many in Sinn Féin believe that if Martin McGuinness was first minister up here and Gerry Adams was part of a government in Dublin then they would be nine-tenths of the way to their goal. This way of thinking is focused on institutions. It is first and foremost nationalist, with republicanism and democracy far behind.
It will be difficult for Sinn Féin to continue to manage this contradiction in their party. At the same time that they are losing people in the North, workers in the South are turning to them. But Ireland is too small in the long term for one party to be able to be a middle-class party of respectable politics in the North and a working-class party of resistance in the South. There will come a time when that isn’t possible, and I don’t think it is far away.
The task of socialists is not to hammer Sinn Féin because of their positions in the North or to exclude them from progressive movements because their “hands aren’t clean” in the North. Instead we should try to hold them to the progressive positions they adopt against austerity and push that side of the contradiction.
RB:How should we understand “loyalism”? What are its characteristics? What is it out to achieve in the twenty-first century?
Bernadette D:Loyalism is clearly differentiated in the North from Unionism. Unionists are middle class; they believe that their interests are best served by maintaining the current situation, British control of this part of the island. They’re like Falkland Islanders, in that sense.
Loyalism’s hallmark is that it represents the poor. Loyalists are working class or unemployed. As the American system disgracefully refers to some of its poorest people as “white trash,” loyalists are perceived within British nationalism as an underclass.
Many from loyalist communities have internalized that themselves. When I work with people from that background I’m often surprised that they will set on the table first, “Okay, so, we know we are no good.” I have talked to young loyalists who say, “We know we are scum.”
I don’t understand any human being starting a conversation saying that they are not human. I ask them why they start that way. There is a clear lack of self-esteem and also a loss of confidence.
If you think about the “dissidence” in poor nationalist communities among people who gained nothing from the struggle despite giving so much, the sense in the loyalist community is that they actually lost. They lost to everybody despite unwavering loyalty to the regime, even to those who challenged it by force. The anger in loyalist communities is fueled by them still not having the price of a loaf and seeing Martin McGuinness up running the country.
Loyalists are acutely aware of the swaggering new rich on the Catholic side. You saw this during the recent flag protests here, where the first response was to mock the way loyalist people said the word “fleg.” The attitude among some was, “You can’t even spell it or say it right, but I am inside City Hall looking out at you.”
This is why I have always believed that this whole process is further sectarianizing the North. The infrastructure of the peace was sectarian itself and continues to reproduce the problem. The result of that is that, while there is some competition between Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump in the United States for poor whites, or between Jeremy Corbyn and the UK Independence Party in Britain, the loyalist community is stuck without such an avenue.
Loyalist politics is based on British nationalism and, for the same reason that Irish nationalism has aligned itself with progressive struggles, British nationalism is compelled to be reactionary. But that is only part of the history of Ulster Protestants. They have been denied other parts of their history, such as the radical struggles of the Presbyterians or the labor movement. Regaining that won’t happen in history class. It will only happen by fighting in your corner and discovering that someone else was here before you.
RB:2015 saw successes for both Podemos in Spain, a new left party with a more populist discourse, and Jeremy Corbyn in Britain, who is much more aligned with the traditional left. What is your opinion of the new movements we’re seeing challenging austerity in Europe and what can we learn from them?
Bernadette D:When you’re building left-wing movements you have to take into account the context. In Britain there is a long tradition of class politics, much more so than in Irish politics. People understand the idea of “the working class.” It is part of the history of the debate about power.
That’s not to say that because they know the words they understand the music. I don’t think they necessarily have a clearer understanding of the nature of capitalism. By comparison, Spain has a recent history of fascist dictatorship, so the language of democracy still has an energy and dynamism that it is lacking in other places.
But I think you need to ask, “What are people fundamentally taking about?” The demand, it seems to me, is for people to have control over their lives. That is what should take us to where we need to go: the argument for collective ownership of the means of production. If we don’t have this, we don’t have the power to determine how our society develops.
The reality of capitalism today is that a few hundred people who control the major multinational corporations effectively control the destiny of the world. They control our ability to survive.
I think there is a degree of realization that this is the case, not only in the United States and Europe, but in the rebellions in the Middle Eastand elsewhere. The political systems we have are not capable of dealing with the underlying economic realities.
When people place demands on their government for improvements in conditions, the response from the government is “we don’t have the money.” Governments, of course, don’t earn any money, they rely on their ability to tax to generate it. But governments are no longer able to do this because the wealth that they need to respond to popular pressures and real need is in the hands of increasingly powerful people outside of their control.
The cracks we are seeing in politics are reflective of people saying, “We don’t know how to fix this, but we know it is broken. We need to be doing something else.” Each of us has to fight in the corner where we are but we have to recognize that we cannot beat them one country at a time. We can’t even beat them in one country without the solidarity of others. This is an international struggle.
That will be an increasingly important point as they struggle to maintain control. Capitalism would kill you without batting an eyelid, so how do we organize against it together?
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Gerry Adams Omits Requirement That Sinn Féin be the Majority Party in RTE Interview on Government Formation in Dublin
Extract from interview with Gerry Adams on “The Week in Politics” 24/04/2016″Would we talk to them(FF and Fine Gael)? The answer to that question is ‘yes’,””If in the course of all of that, although it would be very, very challenging, we came up with a Programme for Government which did the business as far as we were concerned, our leadership would consider that and yes, if we thought that was an advance and would help to deal with these issues we have just talked about, including in the centenary year the issue of Irish unity, of course we would have to bring that back to an ard fheis.”
Full Interview http://www.rte.ie/news/2016/0424/783870-government-talks/
Listen to What Gerry Adams actually said on RTE:The Week in Politics (from 2 minutes in to 6 minutes in)
Click on linkRTE NEWS:Sinn Féin open to talking to FG and FF – Adams
Paddy HealyThe “buts” and the omissions are the most important
He did not say that there are no circumstances in which SF would enter coalition with FF or FG
He said “it is MY view that it would not be in the national interest to return FF or Fg to government BUT there are these crises in people’s lives…”
Aine Lalor was mistaken when she said “your last Ard Fheis ruled out coalition with FF or FG”
It didn’t. It ruled out a coalition in which FF or FG would be the MAJORITY PARTY. Gerry Adams did not correct the interviewer’s statement (That would have raised the requirement for a Sinn Féin Majority in Government)
I had been saying since the election that we should wait until after the assembly elections to discover the full SF position—-Paddy Healy
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The Phoenix Magazine Finally Accepts That Sinn Féin Is Heading for Coalition as a Minority Partner With Fianna Fail
In addition to Implementing British Imperialist CUTS in the North, SF is now Willing to Implement Austerity in the South under the Fiscal Treaty
The Phoenix July 29,2016 Full Article
Sinn Féin’s “Transitional Leadershp”
Sinn Féin’s new 10-year plan, currently being put to members at meetings around the country, has yet to be fully decoded by the media. When the penny drops it will be seen that apart from hints of “transitional leadership”, the real change is in Sinn Féin’s attitude to future coalition.
The party is preparing to drop it’s condition –unrealisable in the foreseeable future –that it be the largest component in any such arrangement.
The last “plan” hatched in the year or so after the disappointing 2007 General Election, worked because the party made a distinct move to the left just as the recession kicked in. It had targeted 20 or more seats in the two ensuing elections and with 14 secured in 2011 believed 30 or so were attainable last February. However, nobody reckoned on Fianna Fáil’s resurrection.
The “transitional leadership”phrase now in play is talked of in the context of a generational shift but in terms of personalities it means Mary Lou McDonald (47) becoming de facto leader in the south. There is talk of Gerry Adams (67) remaining as an over-arching president with responsibility for the united Ireland project, but Mary Lou (or Peaese Doherty (39) if he were able to mount a successful challenge) will be party leader in the Dáil.
In recent years,the left, inside and outside the party have argued that Sinn Féin would be more than willing to clamber into a coalition government regardless of its political programme and the balance of forces within any coalition. The counter argument was that SF would only enter coalition government if they were the majority party and could impose their socialist programme on Fianna Fáil or whoever else was willing. A fall-back position was that an alliance of the let including SF, would be larger than FF and that this would also allow for such a coalition.
Now, the argument goes, the balance of forces simply does not allow or such an alignment. Furthermore things are not looking so good in the north with an austere Tory government along with an obdurate DUP producing stalemate on most issues, economic and political. The only way to break the logjam, Adams et al argue, is for SF to be in government south as well as north and the only route is via a coalition with FF. This would entail negotiating for left wing taxation measures and a strong nationalist position on the north.
Generational transition is to occur in the north also with Martin McGuiness (66) likely to make way for a successor, probably Conor Murphy (53), a former MP and now Assembly member without ministerial portfolio. This status may not be accidental as Deputy First Minister McGuiness is without portfolio and Murphy could step into his place with little impact on SF’s Assembly Ministerial team
Sinn Féin Seeks Office not Irish Sovereignty
Facebook Exchange
Ed Moloney says:SF has no principled objection to doing anything or going back on any promise, including opposition to austerity. the goal is to achieve power and if that means, on one day, being pro-business and the other, pro-working class, they will do it……surely if we have learned anything in the last decade or so, it is that……this is a party guided by tactics not principle
Paddy Healy says :If Ed Moloney replaced the word power with “office” or “position”, I would seriously consider his view. In fact Sinn Féin has no fundamental power or sovereignty in Belfast. It is implementing Tory cuts. Even if Sinn Féin were the majority party in a government with FF (“or whoever is willing”-Phoenix), it would have no fundamental power in the context of the Fiscal Treaty. FF/FG/Lab would insist on compliance with the Treaty and could veto any proposal to deviate from it. The landlords agent of old held office but no power!!
Gerry Adams (Sinn Féin) welcomes Fianna Fail support for Border Poll
Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams has dismissed the (British) Government’s insistence that Brexit will not prompt a vote on Irish unity, claiming the EU referendum has left the island facing an “entirely new dispensation”.
The veteran republican also welcomed remarks from the leader of the Republic of Ireland’s main Opposition party – Fianna Fail’s Micheal Martin – voicing support for a potential border poll in the context of Northern Ireland voting to remain in the EU.
Mr Adams reiterated the need to examine “new relationships on the island” after newly appointed Northern Ireland Secretary of State James Brokenshire used his first engagement in Belfast to stress that the referendum result in the region – 56% backing Remain – did not provide adequate reason to call a vote on reunification with the Irish Republic, an EU member state.
Response of Micheal Martin FF is even more inadequate than that of Sinn Féin
The leader of Ireland’s main opposition party said he hopes Brexit will move Ireland closer to reunification.
Micheál Martin said a reunification referendum should be called if it becomes clear a majority want to see an end to Irish partition over the UK decision to leave the EU.
The Fianna Fáil leader added that Northern Ireland’s 56% majority vote to remain within the bloc could be a defining moment for the region. He made his remarks delivering the annual John Hume lecture at the MacGill Summer School in Glenties, Co Donegal.
The remain vote may show people the need to rethink current arrangements. I hope it moves us towards majority support for unification, and if it does we should trigger a reunification referendum.-From Cedar Lounge Blog 18/07/2016
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RESPONSE OF SINN FÉIN TO BREXIT VOTE IS GROSSLY INADEQUATE
The demand of Sinn Féin for a border poll within the 6-counties as a
response to the UK vote for BREXIT is pathetically inadequate. There
is an in-built Unionist Majority in the 6 counties. (Following the IRA
ceasefire in 1997 and the Good Friday Agreement the following year,
Sinn Fein promised its supporters there would be a united Ireland by
2016.)
As pointed out by Seamus Healy TD in his statement below, there must
be a new drive towards the restoration of the unity and sovereignty
of all-Ireland in order to deal with the outcome of the UK vote and
the demise of all vestiges of Irish sovereignty north and south
When the EU enforced a bailout of billionaire bondholders in GREECE,
IRELAND, SPAIN, PORTUGAL, CYPRUS by the citizens of these countries, it
initiated a new colonial system within Europe. The FISCAl TREATY put
a permanent colonial system in place. This enforced permanent austerity
in all these countries until the money borrowed for the bailout is paid
back to the international banks.
Now the 26-counties is an EU colony. The 6-countie is a British
Colony.
Ireland north and south is facing new austerity measures in the wake
of the UK vote. An organised 32-county mass campaign against austerity
is needed urgently. That means NOW!
In his reaction to the BREXIT vote,Gerry Adams failed to call
for an end to the application of the Fiscal Treaty to Ireland.
He failed to announce a halt to the implementation cuts in
welfare and public services through the Norther Executive which
is now being described as a "government" in An Pboblacht
In her contribution on The Week in Politics (26/06), Mary Lou McDonald,
Deputy Leader of Sinn Féin failed to mention the Fiscal Treaty.
She failed to point out that the application of the Fiscal
Treaty to Ireland mus be ended to prevent a new bout of
austerity in the 26-counties!! Where is Sinn Féin going?
The low turn-outs of 49% in West Belfast and 57% in Derry
show a decline in confidence in the SF leadership among
the nationalist poor.
Gerry Adams “There is now a democratic imperative for a border poll.
The Irish government should support this.”
There is no provision in the Good Friday Agreement for a
binding all-Ireland vote on Irish unity. The northern
majority retains a veto in a 6-county vote
READ it at the link hereunder
https://www.dfa.ie/media/dfa/alldfawebsitemedia
/ourrolesandpolicies/northernireland/good-friday-agreement.pdf
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Statement by Seamus Healy TD 087-2802199
Britain Votes to Leave EU
Mutualise Cost Of Bank Bail-out Now!
Terminate Application of Fiscal Treaty To All Ireland!
The imposition of austerity on workers and the poor throughout the EU has had a dramatic outcome in the vote of the majority in the UK to leave the EU.
The capitulation of social democratic political and trade union leaders to this imposition by the European Elites has thrown workers into the hands of right wing leaders.
The abstention by large numbers of nationalist people in the North shows that there is little confidence in a policy of “remain” under current political circumstances as public service cuts are implemented through the Northern Assembly and Executive.
The economic shock caused by this outcome will have huge implications for the 26-county economy bringing a deepening of the economic crisis.
It was a huge betrayal by the 26-co government and its supporting elites to agree to the Fiscal Treaty and to agree to have the Irish people pay 42% of all European Bank Debt. It is this which has made the Irish people so deeply powerless and vulnerable to this shock
I call on the government to open immediate talks with the European Union.
There must be no second capitulation to the EU threat that a “bomb would go off in Dublin”
We must demand , not ask, for compensation from the EU for the bank bailout payments and the termination of the application of the Fiscal Treaty to the whole of Ireland.
The 26 county government must also accept responsibility for the well- being of the people of the whole of Ireland North And South in these talks.
The outcome raises the necessity for an early election to an All-Ireland Parliament to be in place before the 100 th anniversary of the first All-Ireland Dáil(1918) in two years time ( 2018). This is necessary in order to restore Irish sovereignty which is now more necessary than ever to protect the interests of the Irish People North South
Seamus Healy TD 087-2802199
Paddy Healy-To drive the policy advocated by Seamus above a 32-County Mass Movement against Austerity is needed-Scroll down
Fintan, Why Not Lay Off Ireland, Spain ,Portugal as well as Greece?
The Fiscal Treaty has established a new colonialism in Europe
Ireland should refuse to abide by it
Ireland has to seek EU permission to invest in the housing of its people !!!! (see Housing and Homelessness Crisis on this blog)
“Second, lay off Greece. Many of us have tried to warn that in treating a sovereign member state to exemplary punishment, creating a purgatory in which sinful improvidence must be expunged by suffering, the EU is not just harming the Greeks. It is turning itself from a community of equal nations into a fiscal penal colony with creditor guards and debtor prisoners”.-Fintan O’Toole ,Irish Times 28/06/2016
Democratic imperative for border poll – Adams 24 June, 2016 – by Gerry Adams TD SF Website
Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams TD speaking at Stormont Castle today along with First Minister Martin McGuinness and other Executive Ministers said:
“There is an onus on the British government to respect the democratic wishes of the people of the north.
“The Taoiseach has to think nationally in a real sense. The Irish government needs an all-island, all-Ireland view.
“The referendum result will have very profound effects for all of us on this island.
“There are real worries it will have an adverse impact on the two economies on this island. This will have serious consequences for jobs and investment and for families and communities.
“We could well see the reintroduction of border security controls between the north and south as well as the reintroduction of customs controls.
“The Brexit decision also presents real concerns in respect of its likely detrimental impact on the Good Friday Agreement and the Human Rights Act. The Tory government is already committed to the repeal of the Human Rights Act.
“The referendum will also adversely impact on equality issues, including equal pay; workers’ rights laws and anti-discrimination legislation. It will also reinforce the existing two-tier Europe.
“This referendum had nothing to do with the best interests of our people, our island and our economy and all do with factionalism within the Tory party.
“The people in the north voted to remain a part of the EU. The Good Friday Agreement is an international agreement. As a co-equal guarantor of the agreement the Irish government must also defend the interests of all the people of the island of Ireland at the EU Council meeting next week and in any future negotiations.
“A British exit from the EU presents a particular danger on the equality and human rights elements of the Good Friday Agreement. These are at the core of that agreement.
“The British government has no democratic mandate to represent the views of the north in any future negotiations with the EU.
“There is now a democratic imperative for a border poll. The Irish government should support this.”
SINN FÉIN MINISTER FOR FINANCE AT STORMONT
DUP Didn’t Want to Have “MINISTER for CUTS” !!!!
Belfast Telegraph 26/05/2016
“Sinn Fein has taken control of the purse-strings at Stormont for the first time in a radical shake-up for the new Executive, which will meet for the first time today. But the Finance Minister – new boy Mairtin O Muilleoir – will have to oversee spending cuts across most Government departments during the next five years.
IN-TRAY: One reason for the DUP side-stepping Finance this time may be the likelihood of becoming known as the ‘Minister of cuts’ as O Muilleoir handles departmental spending, along with the first budget of the new Assembly. Had his first engagement yesterday examining the peace dividend for working-class communities.
Finance – Mairtin O Muilleoir
He may be 57, but former Belfast Lord Mayor O Muilleoir somehow manages to fit the thrusting, new generation image of change his party is trying to promote.
Re-entering politics five years ago after a gap of 14 years, he has earned a reputation as a new breed of republican and has a sound grounding in business as head of the Belfast Media Group, which came to include the South Belfast News, North Belfast News and Andersonstown News.
The experience should serve him well as his party tackles the impression that it does not do economics and mathematics very well.
IN-TRAY: One reason for the DUP side-stepping Finance this time may be the likelihood of becoming known as the ‘Minister of cuts’ as O Muilleoir handles departmental spending, along with the first budget of the new Assembly. Had his first engagement yesterday examining the peace dividend for working-class communities.”
Finance minister Máirtín Ó Muilleoir (Sinn Féin) facing budget baptism of fire
Irish News 26/05/2016
SINN FÉIN’s new finance minister is faced with making more cuts as soon as he enters office.
A departmental memo, seen by The Irish News, reveals that Stormont’s financial woes are growing.
The memo from former finance minister Mervyn Storey warns that since Chancellor George Osborne’s budget in March circumstances have changed and that the impact will require “difficult decisions”.
Mr Storey adds that the extent of the difficulties will only become clear next month.
“Since Budget 2016-17 was agreed a number of significant public expenditure pressures have been identified that the incoming executive will need to address in the June monitoring round,” Mr Storey tells his
executive colleagues.
“The full extent of the net pressures facing the executive will not be known until June.
“However, it is already clear that the new executive will be faced with some difficult decisions in relation to the allocation of resources in the June monitoring round
Sinn Féin’s Máirtín Ó Muilleoir, far left, is the first non-DUP minister to take control of Stormont’s purse strings since the return of devolved institutions after the St Andrew’s Agreement.
He already has to grapple with finances under severe pressure due to cuts to the block grant, while both the DUP and Sinn Féin have promised to allocate around £200m a year extra to health for the next five years.
“Questions have been asked about how Sinn Féin finance minister Mairtin O Muilleoir will cope with imminent budget cuts. If his time as a Belfast city councillor is any guide he will cope magnificently. O Muilleoir was the driving force behind the council’s 2012 three-year `investment programme’, which turned a £7m rates hike into £150m of alleged capital spending by including every penny anyone was thinking of spending in Belfast, whether the council was responsible or not, then adding more that might be “levered in”, then putting it all in a 40-page glossy brochure with incomprehensible updates in the council magazine. Occasional protestations from the press that this was all a load of nonsense were met with wounded denial.”
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The Role of the National Question in the Irish Socialist Revolution
It is widely believed that the national question has no further role in the fight or socialism in Ireland and in the wider world.
Nothing could be further from the truth. In fact the question of the independence and sovereignty of the Irish people has become the most pressing issue for workers and oppressed Irish people generally.
It is appropriate that this matter be seriously discussed in the trade union and republican movements on the centenary of the execution of James Connolly.
The only elected political representative who has pressed this issue either in the Dáil or, indeed, in the Stormont Assembly is Seamus Healy TD.
In the 6 counties it is very clear that in “Northern Ireland”, British government cuts are being implemented through the collaboration of Sinn Fein and the DUP. No significant political formation has raised the issue of the sovereignty of the Irish people in the recent assembly elections. It is clear that further British cuts are on the way and Sinn Féin is claiming that it cannot resist them through the Stormot Executive!! This is against the backdrop of the massive decline of traditional industry in the region in recent decades. This leaves the 6-county economy hugely dependent on public service employment which is now being cut.
In the 26-counties, adherence to the Fiscal Treaty, by the state with the support of FF, Fine Gael and Labour means that the state has negligible sovereignty to address the needs of the citizens in matters such as housing, health, education, capital investment etc. The first sentence of the new programme for government stipulates that all measures in the programme are subject to the requirements of the Fiscal Treaty. Sinn Féin and the left opposed the Fiscal Treaty in the referendum. Sinn Féin spokesperson Caoimhín Ó Caolain said in the Dail that the “treaty flies in the face of the 1916 Proclamation” in the matter of sovereignty. Yet the Sinn Fein manifesto in the recent General Election was framed within the restrictions of the Fiscal Treaty.
Over reliance on foreign direct investment has further diminished sovereignty. As can be studied further down here, it is widely understood that “the game is up” for reliance on foreign direct investment. The big powers, USA, Germay, France are now moving to change trade and tax rules in order to hall back the tax and jobs to their own countries. The 26-county state has no power to halt this process. It cannot replace foreign direct investment by state investment because of the restrictions on state borrowing contained in the Fiscal Treaty.
Meanwhile the flow of money out of Ireland is increasing dramatically. IRELAND IS LITERALLY FOR SALE OR ALREADY SOLD OFF. In addition to the 7 billion Euro in interest which government is paying to service state debt, actual debt must now be payed down (not “rolled-Over”) under the Fisal Treaty. BUT AT LEAST AS MUCH IS PROBABLY GOING OUT TO INTERNATIONAL INVESTORS,INCLUDING VULTURES, IN RENTS ON HOMES AND BUSINESSES, MORTGAGE AND OTHER LOAN REPAYMENTS ON HOMES, BUSINESSES, LAND. THIS FOLLOWS SELL-OFFS BY NAMA AND THE BANKS TO TEXAS CAPITAl, GERMAN ALLIANZ etc. The question arises: Is there a higher proportion of wealth created in Ireland going out of the country to-day than in the era of Michael Davitt and The LAND LEAGUE? This is almost certainly true, if account is taken of repatriation of profits by multinational companies. The outflow will increase further when the big powers force multi-nationals to repatriate profits tax as well!
A huge crisis of rule of the methods of capitalist rule is developing throughout the island of Ireland. The setting aside by the people of the FF/FG rotation in government is but the beginning of the crisis. The strong vote for candidates to the left of Sinn Fein in the poorer nationalist areas in the recent Assembly Election is but a flavour of what is to come in the 6-counties.
Historical Background
Henry Joy, Wolfe Tone, “the Boys of Wexford” though heroic did not succeed in establishing a sovereign independent republic in the process that led to the 1798 rebellion. France had become a single sovereign independent capitalist state in 1789 as feudalism was overthrown in the French Revolution.
The rebellions of 1848 and 1867 (fenians) were also unsuccessful.
When the 1916-1923 process loomed in Ireland, Britain, Germany, USA, Holland, Belgium etc had already established strong indigenous capitalist economies, had extensive colonies and had already begun an inter-imperialist war for markets.
Ireland was so far behind in economic development that the establishment of a viable independent Irish capitalist economy and state was effectively impossible.
Some wrongly conclude that demands for Irish unity, sovereignty and independence are futile and out-dated. But nothing could be further from the truth.
What came after 1916 Rebellion? All-Ireland Elected Assembly 1918 Committed to Irish Unity, Independence and Sovereignty!!!!!!
No Irish Sovereignty North or South
Evictions and exorbitant interest rates enable banks to fleece and dispossess the Irish People to repay loans taken out by the Irish Government for the bank bail-out to German and French investors
“The combination of the provisions of the Fiscal Treaty and our over-reliance on multinationals means that the State has virtually no sovereignty or power to ensure the economic and social well-being of its citizens”-Seamus Healy TD
Underfunding of Health Services, Lack of Housing, caused by New Colonialism within Europe as 7 billion in annual Interest paid to European Banks
Total Surrender of Economic Sovereignty by successive Governments
Over Reliance on Multinationals poses a deadly danger to our Society and Economy.
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GAME IS UP FOR RELIANCE ON FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT AD IRELAND CAN DO NOTHING ABOUT IT WHILE WE ADHERE TO THE FISCAL TREATY.
IRISH PEOPLE ARE BEING SLEEP WALKED INTO ECONOMIC DISASTER BY FG, FF, LABOUR REPRESENTING THE IRISH SUPER-RICH
May 08 Professor Colm McCarthy in Sunday Independent
“Ireland’s industrial strategy has been built for decades around inward direct investment and the core attraction is a low tax rate on corporate profits. The nominal rate in the US works out at 39pc (combining federal and state impositions), but averages around 25pc in many European countries and just 12.5pc in Ireland.
Most of the multinational companies that have chosen to locate here are US corporations and the leakage of both jobs and tax revenues to foreign jurisdictions, including Ireland, has become a headline issue in American politics. There are also investigations into Ireland’s corporate tax policies under way at the European Commission while the Paris-based OECD, the club of the world’s more developed countries, is promoting an international agreement which could affect Ireland too.
At this stage it looks as if the bigger threat to Irish policy will come from the US rather than Europe. Irish policy has not been particularly successful in attracting companies here from Britain or continental Europe. But US companies, not all of them manufacturers, employ 140,000 people according to the US-Ireland Chamber of Commerce. Whatever happens at European level, unilateral action by the United States would affect adversely the attractions of Ireland for new investment from the US and the survival prospects of companies already here.
The US corporation tax rate is one of the highest in the world. But many US corporations never have to pay tax at the 39pc rate. There is an arrangement which permits them to defer tax liability on foreign earnings until the proceeds are repatriated to the US. In practice this postponement can be forever and there are other legal and accounting devices which the companies can exploit. Some big and profitable multinationals pay very little tax in the US and enjoy low worldwide tax bills too.
An estimated two trillion dollars is now parked overseas, beyond the reach of the US taxman, while over 80 of the US’s 100 biggest companies have subsidiaries in countries regarded either as tax havens or as low-tax jurisdictions. Fifteen US corporations were keeping at least €5bn abroad at the end of 2014.
Two perceptions have become ingrained in the American political debate in recent years. The first is that US corporations are exporting jobs; the second that the US Treasury is being short-changed by corporate tax avoidance. The first contention is disputed but the second is beyond argument. Some US corporations report large profits in low-tax countries where they have little serious economic activity. Others have managed to route profits through jurisdictions which have no corporate taxes at all and even through corporate legal structures which have no tax residence anywhere. Treaties designed to avoid double-taxation, where a company could end up paying tax twice on the same profits in both the home parent and the foreign subsidiary, have been cleverly deployed to reduce tax liability to very low levels.
American politicians tend to blame shifty foreigners for this state of affairs but the ultimate source of the problems is the US tax code itself, particularly the deferral arrangement for non-repatriated profits. In the current political climate there could be changes on the way, whoever wins the presidency in November. Both Clinton and Trump, almost certain to be the candidates, have been making commitments to unilateral action (the US does not do painstaking consultation with affected parties) and the die could be cast over the next few months as the campaign intensifies. There has already been action from the outgoing Obama administration to stop so-called inversions, a manoeuvre which removes the corporate tax residency from the US altogether.
Here are some quotes from the Clinton campaign document called ‘Make it in America’:
n “Crack down on companies shipping jobs and earnings overseas – and create incentives for companies to bring back jobs to the US.”
n “Claw back the special tax breaks that corporations received for locating research and production here at home if they ship jobs overseas, and use the proceeds to invest in America.”
n “End abusive inversions and impose an ‘exit tax’ on companies that leave America to lower their tax burden.”
n “Coordinate government efforts within the US and overseas to recruit and ease the path for companies to bring back jobs to the US.”
In addition to his exciting plans for a trade war with China and a wall along the Mexican border, Donald Trump also has his eye on corporate taxes:
“No business of any size, from a Fortune 500 to a mom-and-pop shop to a freelancer living job to job, will pay more than 15pc of their business income in taxes. This lower rate makes corporate inversions unnecessary by making America’s tax rate one of the best in the world.”
The next Trump policy is admirably clear and specific:
“A one-time deemed repatriation of corporate cash held overseas at a significantly discounted 10pc tax rate, followed by an end to the deferral of taxes on corporate income earned abroad.”
Whoever wins in November will quite likely enter office already committed to unilateral changes to the American tax code sufficient to eliminate, or at least to reduce sharply, the attractions of Ireland to US multinationals. This would constitute the biggest challenge to Irish industrial policy in a generation. Add in Brexit and there are bigger issues to engage the new Government than water charges and the rules about turf-cutting.
It has long been a staple of official rhetoric about inward investment that the favourable tax regime is but one of many factors that make Ireland an attractive location for US companies. The public is regularly reassured that Ireland is a gateway to the European market, is an English-speaking country and has a well-trained workforce. None of these attributes is unique: every country in the European Union offers trade access, English has become the business language everywhere and it is notable how many US companies in Ireland rely on the recruitment of employees from across Europe.
If you sincerely believe that the favourable tax regime is not the critical factor in attracting US multinationals here, your hypothesis is about to be tested.”
Speech by Deputy Seamus Healy (updated) on Election of Taoiseach (second attempt April 2016)
There is a Crisis at South Tipperary General Hospital. Trolley figures have increased by 100%. Figures released today show that the March 2016 Trolley figure stood at 552, up by 319 from the figure of 233 in March of 2015. Hospital attendances have increased by 10% in the last 2 months and medical occupancy is running at 150%.
On 10th March last, the day we last voted on the Taoiseach, South Tipperary General Hospital had 44 patients on trolleys, the highest in the county and the numbers have been consistently high since. Today’s figure is 38. The figure at University Hospital Limerick is 42 Patients have no dignity, no privacy and limited access to wash and bathroom facilities.
The Hospitals has been starved of resources.
Approximately 25% of the South Tipp General Budget, about €15m, has been cut over recent years. Additional beds and additional staff are urgently needed.
The Chaos in Emergency Departments and the lack of beds are now causing several hundred unnecessary deaths each year according to eminent Hospital Consultants.
There is a huge crisis of housing and homelessness with thousands in emergency acommodation including over 1,600 children staying in hotels
Planned public capital spending in the current year is at a 50 year low and may be less than depreciation. This has consequences for roads, school and hospital buildings and other necessary infrastructure
What has this to do with the debate we are having here today? This has of course everything to do with it.
This is because the previous Government, namely the Fianna Fáil–Green Party Government, and the current Government, the Fine Gael–Labour Party Government, have agreed to pay €7 billion in debt interest repayments every year to EU institutions and banks. I wonder whether the Taoiseach raised the issue of debt and its renegotiation at the recent EU Council meeting. He told us approximately two and a half years ago that there would be a game-changer in regard to debt. It never happened.
Now our services, including health, housing, education and policing services and economy are being absolutely devastated by the fact that huge sums of money are being paid out of the country to financial institutions right across Europe, including very wealthy ones. Some €7 billion per year is being paid in interest alone.
(Planned exchequer investment this year will fall to a 50-year low. It may not even cover depreciation.-Paul Sweeney -ref1)
The fiscal treaty agreed following the Lisbon treaty has created a new colonialism within Europe. That treaty flies in the face of the 1916 Proclamation. It is not a sovereignty-sharing treaty. It effectively sets aside Irish sovereignty and hands it over to big EU powers.
It must be renegotiated. This could best be done in the framework of a debt -mutualisation conference.
Little Ireland has shouldered 47% of the cost of EU Bank bailouts. Ireland should demand such a conference and seek support for this demand from Greece, Portugal, Cyprus, Spain, Italy and others.
The fiscal treaty requirement for Ireland is essentially a continuation of austerity over the next 20 years. This is linked to the circumstances we note today in South Tipperary General Hospital and the 1,600 children living in emergency hotel accommodation.
The fiscal compact requires that the current budget deficit be reduced below 3% of GDP, that the structural deficit be eliminated by 2018 and that the public debt–GDP ratio be reduced to 60% over the next 20 years. Despite the physical exit of the troika from Dublin, the Government and this country are still bound by the treaty to keep the current budget deficit below 3%. On the other hand, the current budget deficit in Germany, for instance, has been below 3% for the last number of years. It has no structural deficit and the German national debt–GDP ratio is at 57%, already below 60%.
In other words, there are no impositions whatsoever on Germany under the fiscal treaty.
The treaty is merely a device to force the programme countries and other indebted countries to make huge repayments to stronger countries, led by Germany, although all EU countries were responsible for the banking busts and European recession.
Water Charges and the establishment of Irish Water are a direct result of the Fiscal Treaty. Governments want to set up utility companies which can borrow “off balance sheet” and heap the repayments on to the citizens generally. This has also lead to failure of the state to invest directly in housing. This has produced the housing and homelessness crisis.
(Fooling around with so-called off-balance sheet financing and continuing to financialise housing in the middle of the worst housing crisis is costly, bureaucratic and simply does not work.-Paul Sweeney)
Evictions and exorbitant interest rates enable banks to fleece and dispossess the Irish People to repay loans taken out by the Irish Government for the bank bail-out to German and French investors
There are even indications that attempts may be made by FISCAL TREATY supporters to extend this model to other human services such as health and education!
A new economic colonialism has been established within Europe through the fiscal treaty. Owing to this and the payment of €7 billion in interest, the Irish economy and public services, including health, education, housing, policing and other services, are being devastated. Ireland will continue to pay over €7 billion per year in interest on borrowings. Our public service will remain under-funded. Any attempt to reduce our reliance on foreign direct investment through public investment in modern indigenous industry will fail because of that huge payment out of the country.
As Dr Jim Stewart, Prof of Finance atTCD has pointed out, Ireland is totally vulnerable to decisions by the large and powerful countries in relation to corporate tax arrangements. The US is committed to prohibiting “inversions” from which the Irish exchequer has benefitted.
The combination of the provisions of the fiscal treaty and our over-reliance on multinationals and mean the State has virtually no sovereignty or power to ensure the economic and social well-being of its citizens.
Side by side with all this goes enormous inequality in our Society. Central Stastic Office figures show that
Top 1% own 14.8% of wealth
Bottom 50% own 14.8%( same) of wealth
Top 20% own 73%of wealth
Bottom 20% own 0.2% of wealth
The new Dáil must demand the renegotiation of the fiscal treaty and the convention of a European debt mutualisation conference to ensure moneys are available to provide for citizens and public services in health, education, housing and much more besides.
The enormous inequality in our society must be tackled head on.
As Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are committed to the fiscal treaty, inequality and to over reliance on multi-nationals, I will be voting against Enda Kenny and Micheál Martin for Taoiseach
Ruth Coppinger has valiantly campaigned against water charges and is opposed in principle to coalition with FF and FG. I will be prou to vote for her for Taoiseach
Seamus Healy TD 087-2802199
06/04/2016
ref1 Paul Sweeney, Chair TASC Economists’ Network (Former ICTU Economist)
GOOD Friday Agreement–Extract- Sinn Féin has Agreed to Unionist Veto on Irish Unity through Vote Confined to 6-counties
CONSTITUTIONAL ISSUES 1. The participants endorse the commitment made by the British and Irish Governments that, in a new British-Irish Agreement replacing the AngloIrish Agreement, they will: (i) recognise the legitimacy of whatever choice is freely exercised by a majority of the people of Northern Ireland with regard to its status, whether they prefer to continue to support the Union with Great Britain or a sovereign united Ireland; (ii) recognise that it is for the people of the island of Ireland alone, by agreement between the two parts respectively and without external impediment, to exercise their right of self-determination on the basis of consent, freely and concurrently given, North and South, to bring about a united Ireland, if that is their wish, accepting that this right must be achieved and exercised with and subject to the agreement and consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland; (iii) acknowledge that while a substantial section of the people in Northern Ireland share the legitimate wish of a majority of the people of the island of Ireland for a united Ireland, the present wish of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland, freely exercised and legitimate, is to maintain the Union and, accordingly, that Northern Ireland’s status as part of the United Kingdom reflects and relies upon that wish; and that it would be wrong to make any change in the status of Northern Ireland save with the consent of a majority of its people; (iv) affirm that if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination on the basis set out in sections (i) and (ii) above to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish; (v) affirm that whatever choice is freely exercised by a majority of the people of Northern Ireland, the power of the sovereign government with jurisdiction there shall be exercised with rigorous impartiality on behalf of all the people in the diversity of their identities and traditions and shall be founded on the principles of full respect for, and equality of, civil, political, social and cultural rights, of freedom from discrimination for all citizens, and of parity of esteem and of just and equal treatment for the identity, ethos, and aspirations of both communities; (vi) recognise the birthright of all the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves and be accepted as Irish or British, or both, as they may so choose, and accordingly confirm that their right to hold both British and Irish citizenship is accepted by both Governments and would not be affected by any future change in the status of Northern Ireland. 2. The participants also note that the two Governments have accordingly undertaken in the context of this comprehensive political agreement, to propose and support changes in, respectively, the Constitution of Ireland and in British legislation relating to the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. ANNEX A DRAFT CLAUSES/SCHEDULES FOR INCORPORATION IN BRITISH LEGISLATION 1. (1) It is hereby declared that Northern Ireland in its entirety remains part of the United Kingdom and shall not cease to be so without the consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland voting in a poll held for the purposes of this section in accordance with Schedule 1. (2) But if the wish expressed by a majority in such a poll is that Northern Ireland should cease to be part of the United Kingdom and form part of a united Ireland, the Secretary of State shall lay before Parliament such proposals to give effect to that wish as may be agreed between Her Majesty’s Government in the United Kingdom and the Government of Ireland. 2. The Government of Ireland Act 1920 is repealed; and this Act shall have effect notwithstanding any other previous enactment. SCHEDULE 1 POLLS FOR THE PURPOSE OF SECTION 1 1. The Secretary of State may by order direct the holding of a poll for the purposes of section 1 on a date specified in the order. 2. Subject to paragraph 3, the Secretary of State shall exercise the power under paragraph 1 if at any time it appears likely to him that a majority of those voting would express a wish that Northern Ireland should cease to be part of the United Kingdom and form part of a united Ireland. 3. The Secretary of State shall not make an order under paragraph 1 earlier than seven years after the holding of a previous poll under this Schedule.
FOR RESTORATION OF IRISH SOVEREIGNTY NORTH AND SOUTH
GAME IS UP FOR IRISH RELIANCE ON FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT
AND IRELAND CAN DO NOTHING ABOUT IT-NO EFFECTIVE SOVEREIGNTY
“This is arguably the biggest economic challenge facing Ireland over the next decade” Fintan O’Toole Irish Times 19/04/2016
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FINTAN O’TOOLE agrees with Jack Horgan-Jones analysis below but Fintan underestimates the effect of the change. He fails to take into account that due to the requirements of the fiscal treaty, the Dublin government cannot replace FDI
“The losses to the US budget from corporate tax avoidance are now out of control. The US loses as much as $111 billion each year due to corporate tax dodging – and let’s be honest, Ireland is implicated in a significant amount of this. The amounts of tax forgone by the US through corporate shenanigans between 2008 and 2014 has been calculated by Oxfam for individual companies – many of which use Ireland as a stopover for elusive profits on their way to a sunny Caribbean tax haven. The sums are staggering: Google $12.5 billion; Apple $21 billion; IBM $16 billion; Pfizer $16 billion and so on. Even a treasury as vast as that of the US can’t afford these losses.
The problem for the OneBigIdea(FDI-PH) is that all of this is no longer the dirty little secret of penthouses and boardrooms – it is feeding the rage of ordinary Americans at their entire establishment. And they’re not wrong. The inequality that is threatening to tear the US apart cannot be tackled without forcing the big corporations to pay much more tax in the US. Or, to put that another way, to route much less of their money through Ireland. The next US president will have to move against the great corporate tax dodge.
This is arguably the biggest economic challenge facing Ireland over the next decade. And of course it has featured nowhere in the discussions on the formation of a government. The shifts in the US need not be so terrible for us. They will unfold gradually over the next decade and we have time to plan for a more balanced economy. But only if we recognise that for ordinary Americans our OBI looks increasingly like FU.
GAME IS UP FOR IRISH RELIANCE ON FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT
AND IRELAND CAN DO NOTHING ABOUT IT-NO EFFECTIVE SOVEREIGNTY
From Sunday Business Post-17/04/2016 Jack Horgan-Jones
“The problem for Ireland is that while we loom large in the rhetoric on tax avoidance, our rel power in this world is naught.For decades, Ireland has built an industrial policy on facilitating the legal exploitation of the lacunas of the international tax system. NOW those sands are shifting and we have very little say in how they reconstitute. there is a tremendous ,and potentially unrecognised, risk to Ireland’s economy building up”———-
(The aborted merger between Pfizer and Allergan)-“it does show that big changes and important steps taken by powerful players which happen far away can have a massive impact on Ireland. What happens when effective tax rates of 2 and 3 per cent (in Ireland) are a thing of the past, and companies are faced with a straight choice between Irelands 12.5% and 17 per cent in a jurisdiction which boasts a proper scale financial centre” (eg UK, Germany, France-PH)
Jack Horgan-Jones is a Business Correspondent with The Sunday Business Post. Horgan-Jones is a lead contributor on Ireland to the Economist Intelligence Unit
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ELECTION OF TAOISEACH (second attempt) Dáil Speech by Seamus Healy TD
(with added supporting material)
“The combination of the provisions of the Fiscal Treaty and our over-reliance on multinationals means that the State has virtually no sovereignty or power to ensure the economic and social well-being of its citizens”.
Underfunding of Health Services caused by New Colonialism within Europe
38 Patients on Trolleys at South Tipp General and 42 at UH Limerick as 7 billion in annual Interest paid to European Banks
Total Surrender of Economic Sovereignty by successive Governments
Over Reliance on Multinationals poses a deadly danger to our Society and Economy.
Speech by Deputy Seamus Healy (updated)
There is a Crisis at South Tipperary General Hospital. Trolley figures have increased by 100%. Figures released today show that the March 2016 Trolley figure stood at 552, up by 319 from the figure of 233 in March of 2015. Hospital attendances have increased by 10% in the last 2 months and medical occupancy is running at 150%.
On 10th March last, the day we last voted on the Taoiseach, South Tipperary General Hospital had 44 patients on trolleys, the highest in the county and the numbers have been consistently high since. Today’s figure is 38. The figure at University Hospital Limerick is 42 Patients have no dignity, no privacy and limited access to wash and bathroom facilities.
The Hospitals has been starved of resources.
Approximately 25% of the South Tipp General Budget, about €15m, has been cut over recent years. Additional beds and additional staff are urgently needed.
The Chaos in Emergency Departments and the lack of beds are now causing several hundred unnecessary deaths each year according to eminent Hospital Consultants.
There is a huge crisis of housing and homelessness with thousands in emergency acommodation including over 1,600 children staying in hotels
Planned public capital spending in the current year is at a 50 year low and may be less than depreciation. This has consequences for roads, school and hospital buildings and other necessary infrastructure
What has this to do with the debate we are having here today? This has of course everything to do with it.
This is because the previous Government, namely the Fianna Fáil–Green Party Government, and the current Government, the Fine Gael–Labour Party Government, have agreed to pay €7 billion in debt interest repayments every year to EU institutions and banks. I wonder whether the Taoiseach raised the issue of debt and its renegotiation at the recent EU Council meeting. He told us approximately two and a half years ago that there would be a game-changer in regard to debt. It never happened.
Now our services, including health, housing, education and policing services and economy are being absolutely devastated by the fact that huge sums of money are being paid out of the country to financial institutions right across Europe, including very wealthy ones. Some €7 billion per year is being paid in interest alone.
(Planned exchequer investment this year will fall to a 50-year low. It may not even cover depreciation.-Paul Sweeney -ref1)
The fiscal treaty agreed following the Lisbon treaty has created a new colonialism within Europe. That treaty flies in the face of the 1916 Proclamation. It is not a sovereignty-sharing treaty. It effectively sets aside Irish sovereignty and hands it over to big EU powers.
It must be renegotiated. This could best be done in the framework of a debt -mutualisation conference.
Little Ireland has shouldered 47% of the cost of EU Bank bailouts. Ireland should demand such a conference and seek support for this demand from Greece, Portugal, Cyprus, Spain, Italy and others.
The fiscal treaty requirement for Ireland is essentially a continuation of austerity over the next 20 years. This is linked to the circumstances we note today in South Tipperary General Hospital and the 1,600 children living in emergency hotel accommodation.
The fiscal compact requires that the current budget deficit be reduced below 3% of GDP, that the structural deficit be eliminated by 2018 and that the public debt–GDP ratio be reduced to 60% over the next 20 years. Despite the physical exit of the troika from Dublin, the Government and this country are still bound by the treaty to keep the current budget deficit below 3%. On the other hand, the current budget deficit in Germany, for instance, has been below 3% for the last number of years. It has no structural deficit and the German national debt–GDP ratio is at 57%, already below 60%.
In other words, there are no impositions whatsoever on Germany under the fiscal treaty.
The treaty is merely a device to force the programme countries and other indebted countries to make huge repayments to stronger countries, led by Germany, although all EU countries were responsible for the banking busts and European recession.
Water Charges and the establishment of Irish Water are a direct result of the Fiscal Treaty. Governments want to set up utility companies which can borrow “off balance sheet” and heap the repayments on to the citizens generally. This has also lead to failure of the state to invest directly in housing. This has produced the housing and homelessness crisis.
(Fooling around with so-called off-balance sheet financing and continuing to financialise housing in the middle of the worst housing crisis is costly, bureaucratic and simply does not work.-Paul Sweeney)
There are even indications that attempts may be made by FISCAL TREATY supporters to extend this model to other human services such as health and education!
A new economic colonialism has been established within Europe through the fiscal treaty. Owing to this and the payment of €7 billion in interest, the Irish economy and public services, including health, education, housing, policing and other services, are being devastated. Ireland will continue to pay over €7 billion per year in interest on borrowings. Our public service will remain under-funded. Any attempt to reduce our reliance on foreign direct investment through public investment in modern indigenous industry will fail because of that huge payment out of the country.
As Dr Jim Stewart, Prof of Finance atTCD has pointed out, Ireland is totally vulnerable to decisions by the large and powerful countries in relation to corporate tax arrangements. The US is committed to prohibiting “inversions” from which the Irish exchequer has benefitted.
The combination of the provisions of the fiscal treaty and our over-reliance on multinationals and mean the State has virtually no sovereignty or power to ensure the economic and social well-being of its citizens.
Side by side with all this goes enormous inequality in our Society. Central Stastic Office figures show that
Top 1% own 14.8% of wealth
Bottom 50% own 14.8%( same) of wealth
Top 20% own 73%of wealth
Bottom 20% own 0.2% of wealth
The new Dáil must demand the renegotiation of the fiscal treaty and the convention of a European debt mutualisation conference to ensure moneys are available to provide for citizens and public services in health, education, housing and much more besides.
The enormous inequality in our society must be tackled head on.
As Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are committed to the fiscal treaty, inequality and to over reliance on multi-nationals, I will be voting against Enda Kenny and Micheál Martin for Taoiseach
Ruth Coppinger has valiantly campaigned against water charges and is opposed in principle to coalition with FF and FG. I will be prou to vote for her for Taoiseach
Seamus Healy TD 087-2802199
06/04/2016
ref1 Paul Sweeney, Chair TASC Economists’ Network (Former ICTU Economist)
Speech By Seamus Healy TD on Report by Taoiseach from EU Council In Dáil
Underfunding of Healty Services caused by New Colonialism within Europe
40 Patients on Trolleys at South Tipp General as 7 billion in annual Interest paid to European Banks
Total Surrender of Economic Sovereignty by successive Governments
Dail Record
Deputy Seamus Healy: Today at South Tipperary General Hospital, there are 44 patients on chairs, trolleys and corridor beds awaiting admission. I am told this is the highest number on trolleys in the hospital in the whole country. What has this to do with the debate we are having here today? It has, of course, everything to do with it. The hospital is starved of resources. Approximately 25% of its budget, or approximately €15 million, has been cut over recent years. This is because the previous Government, namely the Fianna Fáil–Green Party Government, and the current Government, the Fine Gael–Labour Party Government, have agreed to pay €7 billion in debt interest repayments every year to EU institutions and banks. I wonder whether the Taoiseach raised the issue of debt and its renegotiation at the recent meetings. He told us approximately two and a half years ago that there would be a game-changer in regard to debt. It never happened. Now our services, including health and housing services, and economy are being absolutely devastated by the fact that huge sums of money are being paid out of the country to financial institutions right across Europe, including very wealthy ones. Some €7 billion per year is being paid in interest alone.
The fiscal treaty agreed following the Lisbon treaty has created a new colonialism within Europe. That treaty flies in the face of the 1916 Proclamation. It is not a sovereignty-sharing treaty. It effectively sets aside Irish sovereignty and hands it over to big EU powers. It must be renegotiated. This could best be done in the framework of a debt-neutralisation conference. Ireland should demand such a conference and seek support for this demand from Greece, Portugal, Cyprus, Spain, Italy and others. The fiscal treaty requirement for Ireland is essentially a continuation of austerity over the next 20 years. This is linked to the circumstances we note today in South Tipperary General Hospital and the 1,600 children living in emergency hotel accommodation.
The fiscal compact requires that the current budget deficit be reduced below 3% of GDP, that the structural deficit be eliminated by 2018 and that the public debt–GDP ratio be reduced to 60% over the next 20 years. Despite the physical exit of the troika from Dublin, the Government and this country are still bound by the treaty to keep the current budget deficit below 3%. On the other hand, the current budget deficit in Germany, for instance, has been below 3% for the last number of years. It has no structural deficit and the German national debt–GDP ratio is at 57%, already below 60%. In other words, there are no impositions whatsoever on Germany under the fiscal treaty. The treaty is merely a device to force the programme countries and other indebted countries to make huge repayments to stronger countries, led by Germany, although all EU countries were responsible for the banking busts and European recession.
A new economic colonialism has been established within Europe through the fiscal treaty. Owing to this and the payment of €7 billion in interest, the Irish economy and public services, including health, education, housing and other services, are being devastated. Ireland will continue to pay over €7 billion per year in interest on borrowings. Our public service will remain under-funded. Any attempt to reduce our reliance on foreign direct investment through public investment in modern indigenous industry will fail because of that huge payment out of the country.
The combination of our over-reliance on multinationals and the provisions of the fiscal treaty mean the State has virtually no sovereignty or power to ensure the economic and social well-being of its citizens.
The new Dáil must demand the renegotiation of the fiscal treaty and the convention of a European debt mutualisation conference to ensure moneys are available to provide for citizens and public services in health, education, housing and much more besides
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SOMETHING VERY FUNDAMENTAL HAS CHANGED IN THE GENERAL ELECTION
The Left , Sinn Fein, all socialists and republicans must organise Two National National Demonstrations against Cuts, Unfair Charges and Austerity without delay
The First In Belfast, The Second in Dublin
Let Us Go On The Offensive!
Derry and Cork should be next!
The Media are dominated with political babble on the outcome of the election.
Nobody is fully recognising that something fundamental has changed. This error is shared by right wing commentators and even the so-called “hard left”
Ireland has been ruled by imperialist capitalism through the partition institutions since 1921-2
The governance of the 26 county end was modified in early 30s with the first election of Fianna Fáil.. Note that Labour Party support was necessary to have Dev first elected as Taoiseach.
From then on the 26-county state was governed through the rotating two and one third party system–FG and FG rotating as leaders of government with Labour making up the numbers if required
The recent election has reduced the popular support for FG+FF+Lab to the low fifties in percentage terms. This is unprecedented.
More recently, Unionist majority rule was replaced by “Cross-Community” implementation of British rule in Belfast
THIS ELECTION HAS DISRUPTED THE TWO AND ONE THIRD PARTY SYSTEM OF GOVERNANCE IN THE 26-COUNTIES.
Labour was reduced to 12 seats after the Reynolds-Spring and Bruton- Spring-De Rossa Governments
But in that case Labour was still much much bigger than all other competitors on the left.
The rise of Sinn Féin and other lefts has fundamentally changed the situation and seriously limited the ability of Irish Social democracy to buttress capitalist governance structures. Social Democracy in the form of the Labour Party and the trade union leadership has played a crucial role in the past in protecting the 26 co establishment
Now Sinn Féin like Clann na Poblachta in 1948 may be needed to fill the gap. SIPTU leader Jack O’Connor has said as much!!
Eoghan Harris and Ed Moloney in opposing the Grand Coalition are obsessed by fear of Sinn Féin growth in the next General Election.
Sinn Féin is implementing British Rule in Belfast and has said it can have FF or FG in a minority role in government in Dublin. Hence,this is not what gives the real movers and shakers real cause for concern.
25% of the 26-county population have sufficient allegiance to FF to have voted for FF in recent elections. FF is a pro-capitalist, pro partition party.
If such a stable party were wiped out in a new election, it would be a major reverse for capitalism. A Grand Coalition in the framework of the fiscal treaty would ensure that outcome
Industrial unrest typically accompanies recovery (Luas, Cadburys, Teachers, Nurses, Guards). The uniquely capitulatory Irish Trade Union leaders would struggle to control the mass movement in the context of a Fine Gael-Fianna Fáil government.
The concern of the mover and shakers with the rise of Sinn Féin is not due to the nature of the leadership or “IRA” influence in government. British rule is being implemented in Belfast. The Sinn Féin leadership has said that it would participate in coalition government provided FF or FG were minority partners. They must know that a minority FG or FF partner would veto any measure to tax the super-rich or to move towards a united Ireland.
The concern of the 26 Co elite is that due to the many wonderful and self-sacrificing militants in Sinn Féin and among their supporters, the leaders may be unable to politically control their members and supporters.
It is vital that Sinn Féin supporters prevent Sinn Féin being tainted by coalition in any form or “external support” in any form for a government containing either Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael
If Sinn Fein and the hard left had over 40% of the vote in the 26-counties (currently holding 30 seats to FF’s 43), would the unemployed on reduced welfare and the teacher unable to get a permanent job up the north continue to support Sinn Féin leadership as the return of unionist majority rule would be virtually impossible in that eventuality!
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Scroll Down For Discussion Document: Composition of Next Government-Coalition Options
Dec 1 2015
The Fight for The Sovereignty of the Irish People North and South-Paddy Healy
Please help me To Lose this Bet-FG/SF Coalition@16/1 After General Election–Discussion on Facebook below
The Capitulation at Stormont House has shortened the odds!
I would lose just 50 Euro
But it could set back the fight for the political and economic sovereignty of the Irish People North and South for Decades by Politically DISORGANISING THE PEOPLE !!!!
Deputy Shane Ross Told the Week in Politics on RTE on Sunday Nov 29: “A Fine Gael-Sinn Féin Coalition after the election-Don’t rule it out. Remember Frank Flannery (Top FG Strategist) toyed with that before the last General Election”
Date
Details
Stake
Result
07/06/2015
Single To Win
FG/SF @ 16/1
Government After Next Election
Government After Next Election
€50.00
Pending
Coming Soon… Sinn Féin Leadership Speech at Special Ard-Fheis-Why we must Join FG in Government (with apologies to Sean McBride S.C. 1948)
My Father Was In Clann Na Poblachta for the Mac Bride U-TURN in 1948
I had just been expelled from the Labour Party National Executive for the Corish(Labour Party) U-TURN Speech in 1970
Don’t Let It Happen Again!
Discussion on Irish Left Facebook page-Begin at bottom of panel just below and scroll upwards to follow discussion
I believe the deal in the North to be a massive capitulation & disgrace. But That’s a discussion for another day. I fully commend Paddy here in his efforts to make sure SF do not go in with either FF or FG. There are still a fair few around from the 2007 GE who would jump at a chance to go in with FF, just as they did back then.
That is quite acceptable and I can’t disagree with you on that. I want Sinn Féin to be put under pressure to be upfront and honest. I would disagree with you on the deal which Sinn Féin signed up to in the North, I myself was disappointed but saw no other way to keep the peace process going and Westminster knew this. Apparently one of Clintons advisors lambasted the stunt that the Tories pulled and the affect it could have had in the peace process
I am working to ensure that the SF deligates will tell SF leaders to stay out of coalition with FF or FG in any form and at all costs. That is why I am issuing these warnings! But I have to accept , that despite the best efforts of people like myself and others a congress can be misinformed ad manipulated. THat is why I am writing a draft of what I think will be the SF leadership speech-need to enter government in the south to protect and further the peace process etc, etc. as a stepping stone(remember that Collins phrase) to Irish Unity.I want the delegates to be forearmed.
It is those very same supporters that will decide that if it comes down to it, we will choose who they will go into government with and as I’ve told you before, the possibility of going into government with either Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael is non-existent. They would have to do that against the wishes of the Cumanns which would ensure that Sinn Féin will be obliterated. Sinn Féin members have complete faith in the leadership and I sincerely doubt that they would throw that away just for a term in office, like the Greens have
Tens of Thousands of Sinn Féin supporters are totally genuine. That is why a veteran like myself has a duty to put them on their guard. The position of Sinn Féin on coalition was the first red light. If FF or FG are acceptable minority partners that is a capitulation.FF and/or FG, backed by the rich and powerful would veto anything unfavourable to the rich, The subtext to the effect that if SF/Left were a majority in Government, that SF could call the shots is nonsense. The most worrying thing is that the SF leaders know this just as I know it- and still they persist with it
Going on about this long before any agreement was reached in Belfast, live the way you leave out what Sinn Féin won during those negotiations. We constantly hear about how the government in the South had no choice but to accept a bailout so what were Sinn Féin forced to do when the North has never had fiscal autonomy in the first place and are given a block grant from Westminster, Sinn Féin were the one party that fought austerity in the assembly but yet the worms weren’t slow in coming out of the woodwork in the aftermath
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Sovereignty: Further Decline Continues-SEN. SHANE ROSS
“We are becoming more dependent on the multinationals every year. They are deciding the size of our deficits. They are controlling our forecasts. They will soon be writing our budgets.”—Sen Shane Ross, Sunday Independent 29/112015
Full Article: http://www.independent.ie/opinion/columnists/shane-ross/the-coalition-is-exposed-as-gambling-on-tax-windfalls-34243236.html
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£72m reduction in education resource budget in Northern Ireland
Sinn Féin Minister for Education, John O’Dowd, warns new entrants to teaching not to expect full-time job!!!!!!
6 January 2016
The Department of Education is facing a cash reduction of £72m in its resource budget in 2016/17.
A departmental official told the education committee that amounted to a percentage cut of 3.8%.
The department’s director of finance, Trevor Connolly, told the committee the 2016/17 budget would be “challenging”, if better than previously anticipated.
He said the full impact of the budget cut on schools’ individual budgets would not be clear until early March.
However, the department’s capital budget – to build new schools and school facilities – is increasing by £46m in 2016/17, a rise of 32%.
Committee members also questioned departmental officials on the Investing in the Teaching Workforce Scheme which aims to replace up to 500 older teaching staff with newly qualified teachers.
A number queried why the department had decided to limit the scheme to teachers who had graduated within the past three years.
The department’s director of education workforce development, La’Verne Montgomery, admitted that “there may well be further issues that we have to address” and the scheme may be adjusted.
“We continue to explore the flexibility within the scheme,” she said.
She also said that there were currently fewer than 400 full-time teachers younger than 25 in Northern Ireland.
Ms Montgomery said that the department expected up to 300 teachers to leave under the wider civil service voluntary redundancy scheme in 2016/17.
‘Very careful consideration’
Earlier, Education Minister John O’Dowd(Sinn Féin) said people considering a career in teaching in Northern Ireland should not expect a full-time job after their training.
Mr O’Dowd said those wanting to enter the profession should give “very, very careful consideration” to their choice.—–BBC REPORT
INTO CONFERENCE April 2015
He (Minister for Education John O’Dowd, Sinn Féin) acknowledged that the planned loss of hundreds of teaching jobs and the slashing of the education budget would cause “huge problems”. However, he said, the Northern Executive could not spend money it did not have.
Placards were held up by delegates with messages such as “SF + DUP = Tory cuts”.
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Nov 19 2015
DIFFICULT NOT TO BE CYNICAL ABOUT THE DEAL ON WELFARE REFORM: ANY SOFTENING OF THE CUTS WILL BE AT THE EXPENSE OF FURTHER CUTS IN HEALTH AND EDUCATION .
WELFARE CUTS WILL NOT BE IMPLEMENTED UNTIL AFTER THE ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS AND THE 26-COUNTY GENERAL ELECTION
From Irish Times Editorial Nov 19
“It’s difficult not to be a bit cynical about the deal on welfare reform, the row which was one of the triggers for the latest breakdown. Anxious not to be put in a position where it has to endorse an Assembly vote to approve the reforms – otherwise known by its supporters as “cuts” – Sinn Féin has agreed to a formula which devolves the said vote back to Westminster, allowing the party to continue to claim clean hands on the issue and to blame the Tories.
With a bit of budget juggling the compensation package, which had been dismissed as too small, is also increased by a small amount and spread over a shorter period – the hole left in the Executive’s budgets that will inevitably have to be filled by further education and health “reform” measures is not adverted to.”
Sinn Féin under fire over welfare cuts move
Gerry Moriarty
Irish Times Thursday, November 19, 2015, 01:00
Sinn Féin has been attacked in the Northern Assembly for supporting a motion handing over responsibility for welfare cuts to Westminster rather than to Stormont.
The DUP and Sinn Féin had sufficient numbers in the Assembly to push through a legislative consent motion that allows Westminster, instead of the Northern Executive, to legislate for British government welfare reform.
The SDLP, in particular, complained that Sinn Féin, by endorsing the motion, was diluting devolution and handing back some powers to Westminster.
“Only a matter of weeks ago, Sinn Féin would have described this as a huge, serious mistake but now Sinn Féin is doing Tory austerity – and in spades,” said SDLP deputy leader Fearghal McKinney.
“We are being asked to diminish aspects of devolution that the SDLP, for one, fought hard to achieve. We reject that.
“We are being asked to hand over to the Tories, or Thatcher’s children, as Martin McGuinness likes to call them, decisions on legislating on welfare.”
During the day-long debate, Sinn Féin faced the kind of criticism it was likely to run into in both Northern Ireland and the Republic in the coming months ahead of Dáil and Assembly elections.
By signing up to welfare changes, the party is likely to be accused of supporting austerity in Northern Ireland but opposing it in the Republic.
SDLP Assembly member Alex Attwood forced a recorded vote after Sinn Féin speaker Mitchel McLaughlin appeared prepared to accept an orally declared vote.
The motion was carried by 70 votes to 22 with the SDLP and the UUP the main parties to vote against it.
Alliance joined the DUP and Sinn Féin in supporting the motion.
The British government has refused to provide any more money to lessen the effects of British government welfare reform.
Under the Fresh Start: the Stormont Agreement and Implementation Plan, however, the Executive is to find £585 million from its own resources over four years to mitigate the effects of these cuts in Northern Ireland.
Responsibility
What happens thereafter is unclear. Were the Conservatives to lose the next election, it is possible some or all of the welfare cuts could be reversed.
Earlier this year, an attempt to introduce a welfare Bill in the Assembly failed in the face of Sinn Féin and SDLP opposition.
By handing responsibility to Westminster by way of the legislative consent motion, the new welfare legislation will be speedily introduced.
While Westminster is bringing in the necessary legislation, welfare will be administered from Northern Ireland by DUP Minister for Social Development Mervyn Storey.
In an attempt to embarrass Sinn Féin during yesterday’s debate, Mr McKinney cited previous comments by Sinn Féin politicians such as Martin McGuinness opposing British government welfare reform.
Sinn Féin MLA Conor Murphy said the Northern Executive was acting as a “bulwark” against the British government’s austerity policies.
“I think what is being proposed and agreed in part of this implementation plan gives us protection measures better than exist anywhere on these islands for people who are struggling,” he said.
“The Executive will provide £345 million for welfare top-ups and £240 million for tax credit support over the next four years. We have asked Professor Eileen Evason to lead a small working group to bring forward proposals and the Executive will implement the findings of the group. In my view this represents a sensible way forward and will ensure we have both a fair and affordable welfare system while recognising the need to help those who are also in work.”
This amounts to 86 million per year for amelioration of Welfare Reductions and 60 million per year for amelioration of reduction in tax credits to low-paid families. TUC(below) says that tax credit reductions in NI will amount to 120 million. Will all amelioration stop after 4 years?-Paddy Healy
Belfast Telegraph
NI Families to lose up to almost 1,500 per year in tax credits-TUC
17/11/2015
Under the current plans of Chancellor George Osborne, the analysis confirms the province will be the hardest hit region in the United Kingdom.
The report from the Trade Unions Congress (TUC) – to be released in full tomorrow 18/11/2015-shows that more than nine in 10 (91%) working tax credit households in the UK will be worse off as a result of the Government cuts and then sets out the average loss in each part of the country.
It concludes: “In Northern Ireland, where average income per head is the lowest in the UK, the average loss to working tax credit claimants will be £1,480 – the highest of any UK nation and region.” The loss to families here is around £500 worse than official estimates calculated by the Department of Social Development.
It warned more than 120,000 households will have their tax credit payments reduced as a result of the July Budget and suggested the average loss per household will be £918 per year.
TUC General Secretary Frances O’Grady said: “This research makes clear that as well as making families suffer, the tax credit cuts will make regional inequalities worse. The households who will lose the most are those already in low-income areas.–
In contrast to the £1,480 average hit to family incomes here(NI), the average loss for a losing household in London will be £1,110 – despite the fact that the capital has the highest average income per head in the UK.
Irish Times 18/11/2015
On the key sticking point of welfare reform, a formula has been agreed that will allow legislation to be introduced in British parliament to allow for changes in the welfare regime in Northern Ireland.
The British government has made a more expansive offer of £585 million over four years to mitigate the effects of welfare cuts.
This compares with mitigation of £565 million over six years contained in the Stormont agreement.
Ms Villiers told the press conference it would mean Northern Ireland would have the most generous welfare system in the UK. The additional funding may be enough to allow Sinn Féin enough wriggle room to claim it held out successfully against what it termed Tory welfare cuts.
There are also commitments in the document to reduce the number of MLAs in the Assembly from the current complement of 108 to 90, which would be five per constituency, and to cut the number of government departments from 12 to nine.
A Bill on this issue will be drafted this month but will not commence until after the Assembly elections in May 2016.
In essence, that will mean the reductions will not take effect until 2020 at least (This is not correct -PH).
Irish People in great danger as new world capitalist crash looms-Leinster House and Stormont Powerless
Caoimhín Ó Caoláin ON “Future Elected Governments”
“The Cabinet that stood to hear those words now asks us to put before the people for approval a treaty (The Fiscal Compact) that flies in the face of the 1916 Proclamation.It is a treaty that seeks to negate the right of the Irish people to the ownership of Ireland. It is a treaty that would surrender control of Irish destinies and fetter this and future elected governments, tying them to the failed economics of austerity.”-Dáil Eireann-2012
I believe that the left should offer to ally itself with SF in a campaign for a left government PROVIDED THAT SF RENOUNCES COALITION WITH FF AND FG IN ANY FORM including FF and/or FG as a minority partner in Government
I think that it is very important to do everything humanly possible to fight the entry of SF into a coalition with FF or FG in any form whatever
The notion that a Sinn Fein/left majority in a government including Fianna Fail/and or FG could ensure that the will of SinFéin/ Left would prevail is an underlying assumption of Sinn Féin statements. This is of course complete nonsense. The EU, The British Government, the US, the rich of north and south would be supporting the FF or FG wing of the coalition. FF or FG could veto anything they didn’t like. If SF and the left got stroppy they could call in their friends in the ECB, the international investors and the multinationals to issue ultimatums.
In Dáil Éireann (Irish Parliament) during the debate on the EU Fiscal Compact ( Treaty) on April 20,2012, the Sinn Féin spokesperson, Caoimhín Ó Caoláin said : “ On Easter Sunday the Taoiseach and other Cabinet Ministers, as well as Oireachtas Members, myself included, stood outside the GPO and listened to the words of the Proclamation. As I speak on the austerity treaty today, I wonder did the Cabinet Ministers hear the same words that I heard: “We declare the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland, and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies, to be sovereign and indefeasible.” The Cabinet that stood to hear those words now asks us to put before the people for approval a treaty (The Fiscal Compact) that flies in the face of the 1916 Proclamation.It is a treaty that seeks to negate the right of the Irish people to the ownership of Ireland. It is a treaty that would surrender control of Irish destinies and fetter this and future elected governments, tying them to the failed economics of austerity. The people would have expected such a surrenderfrom the last Government.”
The British state is the sovereign power in the 6 counties and is now enforcing increased austerity
The Peace and Neutrality Alliance is increasingly concerned at the erosion of Irish Military Neutrality
A new International trade Treaty (TTIP) is on the way under which multi-nationals can sue the state if health and safety regulations are introduced which adversely affect their business
Virtually all Irish fixed assets including many homes have been sold off to international vulture capitalists. If one pays to use facilities in an Irish located shopping centre, part of your 10 cents is going to Texas Capital , German Allianz etc etc!!!The 26-county exchequer is paying over 8 billion Euro per year on debts incurred to avoid taxing the Irish Rich and to pay back the gambling debts of international investors who invested in Irish banks . Rents and loan repayments from businesses and home-owners pour out of the country to international capitalists.UCD Economics Professor, Morgan Kelly, says that Irish small and medium sized businesses owe 28BillionEuro! It is probable that research would show that there is a higher proportion of Irish output pouring out of the country now than was the case before the Land League Campaign led by Michael Davitt in the late eighteen hundreds!!
THE REALITY IS THAT THE IRISH PEOPLE NORTH AND SOUTH HAVEN’T A SHRED OF SOVEREIGNTY LEFT
Spokespeople for Sinn Féin and the dodgy left often say the the reason we have not got a debt write-down is because recent governments haven’t asked for it. This is nonsense. The government has been told that they are not going to get it so they are not going to embarass their international backers or expose themselves to appearance of failure by asking for it.
There are no soft concessions available to a “SF/Left led Government” from London or Brussels. Ask The Greek “left” party Syriza!
If people are led to believe that there is and that a Sinn Féin/left led coalition including FF/FG can get such concessions , there will be serious demoralisation and disorganisation of the oppressed north and south.
We need a 32-couty campaign against austerity linked to a drive for a SF/Left government excluding FF and FG. No welfare Cuts in The north. Abolish Water Charges and LPT in South ad restore the cuts!
If we don’t get a majority we stay in opposition and we continue organising mass resistance until we succeed. Keeping the people united, organised, capable of resistance and going forward from strength to strength is the priority.
The total lack of Irish political and economic sovereignty leaves the Irish people in an extremely dangerous position as a new world economic crash looms (see New World economic Crash at Hand-posted on this blog). The degree of “recovery” which currently exists is due to the lucky convergence of a number of EXTERNAL factors favourable to Ireland-weak Euro, low oil prices, cheap state borrowing due to printing of money by ECB(quantitative easing) and high demand for multinational products exported from Ireland. (Financial Times, London,Jul 23, 2015-Dublin should not celebrate too soon! Ireland is enjoying a run of luck. It would be well advised to bank it) (Colm McCarthy Sunday Independent 02/08/2015 Recovery-“ But this is largely down to good luck, rather than good management.””). When these factors dissappear, as most capitalist economists agree they will, the economic crash in Ireland will be horrendous. This is compounded by the virtually sole dependence of Ireland on multi-national investment based on low company tax rates for economic health and employment maintenance. The large countries are now moving towards levelling the playing field in the matter of attracting multinational companies with low tax rates and special tax deals. The lack of sovereignty means that the Irish government is completely helpless in the face of these developments. FF, FG and Labour by refusing all state investment in modern industry and indeed reducing it, have put the Irish people completely in the hands of the multinationals and at the mercy of the big capitalist powers.
The people of the north are at the mercy of the British government-now headed by an extremely right-wing Tory party determined to impose further burdens on workers.
A safe and prosperous future for the Irish people depends on the fundamental sovereignty deficit being removed.——————————————————————————————————————————————————————– SinnFéin, the biggest party in the 32-counties has a special duty to lead a United 32-County Mass Protest Movement Against Austerity North and South
THE ANSWER TO LONDON AND DUBLIN CUTS IS AN ALL-IRELAND MASS CAMPAIGN AGAINST AUSTERITY NORTH AND SOUTH! IRISH PEOPLE UNITED AGAINST AUSTERITY!
Stand Up to London, Dublin and Brussels! Assert Irish Independence and Sovereignty Now!
As the election in the 26-counties is now delayed, SF has the following dilemma
Will Sinn Féin either 1) allow welfare cuts through the Stormont Executive
2) Stay in the Executive while Tories impose cuts directly and seek wash their hands
3) Stand up to the Tories and tell Cameron that they will leave the executive if welfare cuts are imposed and launch an All-Ireland campaign against austerity?
1)or 2) would damage SF in Republic in the election and strengthen all to the left of SF in the north
An All-Ireland Campaign against Austerity is the only answer!!! Sinn Féin has already agreed to major public service cuts in the Stormont House Agreement. An official one day general public service strike against the cuts has already taken place.https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/390672/Stormont_House_Agreement.pdfhttps://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/390673/Stormont_House_Agreement_Financial_Annex.pdf As can be seen at the above links SF has agreed to eliminate huge number of public service jobs in the coming years. Voluntary redundancy of 3000 public servants is now in progress. These will not be replaced. SF has endorsed an Agreement which imposes a fine on the northern administration of 114 Million£ for each year that the 2013 welfare cuts are not imposed. Further welfare cuts by the Tory government are now in the pipe line. The current controversy is designed by Britain and Unionism to force Sinn Féin to be even more compliant. They have decided that while they cannot quite dispense with SF yet, they can weaken their support among the nationalist population by forcing SF to support unpopular measures as the price of remaining in the northern administration. THE ANSWER TO LONDON AND DUBLIN CUTS IS AN ALL-IRELAND MASS CAMPAIGN AGAINST AUSTERITY NORTH AND SOUTH Why the SF opposition to Welfare Cuts.? They have agreed to bigger financial cuts in the Stormont House Agreement.The first answer lies in the caste system. The dole is a huge issue among nationalists currently and historically. Welfare cuts would seriously damage Sinn Féin support in nationalist areas. SDLP did not fully endorse the Stormont House Agreement. SDLP is not yet prepared to support welfare cuts either. Welfare cuts weigh more heavily on the nationalist population and in the northern caste system is perceived to be an anti-nationalist measure. If SF caves in to the pressure they will open the door to other political forces in nationalist areas. Welfare Cuts would also damage SF in the south.It is true that most nationalist and unionist citizens are not enamoured of the northern assembly.But that does not mean that if welfare cuts were imposed that there would not be a big political reaction among nationalists against any party which remains in the administration while LONDON imposes the cuts.THE ANSWER TO LONDON AND DUBLIN CUTS IS AN ALL-IRELAND MASS CAMPAIGN AGAINST AUSTERITY NORTH AND SOUTH
Free State parties line up with unionists and British government yet again! So what’s new!
Taoiseach Kenny supported adjourment of the executive as requested by DUP
FF Leader, Micheál Martin, supported SUSPENSION of the Institutions on RTE–even Tory Leader Cameron was not in favour of that!
“The SDLP’s decision to oppose the DUP’s adjournment motion at the business committee yesterday was the correct and only decision for the party.The party was under enormous pressure from the Irish government but for the first time in its existence publicly rejected a request from the Taoiseach. It was essential for its own electoral survival that the SDLP did so because what the party was being asked to do was act as a mudguard for the DUP with no p rospect of reward for its actions.” Brian Feeney–Irish News
As a Taoiseach in office, we must assume Kenny was in constant contact with London
Thu Sept 10
KENNY WANTED TO SUPPORT DUP
McDonald, SDLP Leader, now saying on Radio that Kenny said his(Kenny’s) preference was for adjournment (DUP Position)
McDonald: “If we did that the DUP would have an adjournment motion every week!”
I did say earlier that the depth and significance of the northern crisis was grossly underestimated in 26-counties. These developments will resonate in southern general election.
Adjournment motion of DUP has now been defeated at Stormont
Wed Sept 9 PM
Mitchel McLaughlin of Sinn Fein said he had written to the Queen to mark her “milestone achievement”.
The Assembly’s first republican Speaker has formally congratulated the Queen on becoming the longest serving monarch.–Belfast Telegraph Aug 09
Quite the contrast to what James Connolly said: “We, at least, are not loyal men; we confess to having more respect and honour for the raggedest child of the poorest labourer in Ireland today than for any, even the most virtuous, descendant of the long array of murderers, adulterers and madmen who have sat upon the throne of England.”
WED Aug 09 AM
Crisis of northern Institutions deepens as Storey arrested-New DUP Threats-Adams Statement
The depth and significance of the crisis is being underestimated in 26-counties
Tueday Aug 8
Welfare cuts and public service cuts to be imposed in 6-counties. FG/Lab imposing cuts and unfair taxes on ordinary people in the 26-counties
There has already been a one-day public service workers strike against austerity in the north. We have had huge marches against water charges in Dublin.
Why not a UNITED 32-COUNTY popular mobilisaton on the streets against austerity? Let us have marches in Belfast as well as in Dublin! We did it for Civil Rights in the sixties and for the H-block prisoners in the early 80s.
Monday Aug 7 Sinn Fein locked out of Northern Executive by DUP until McGuigan affair cleared up to satisfaction of DUP. First Minister Robinson Said:”As a first step there will be no further meetings of the Northern Ireland Executive unless we deem there are exceptional circumstances. In addition there will be no North South Ministerial meetings in any format.
Will Sinn Féin refuse to negotiate at a disadvantage or make concessions to DUP and British Government to get back in?
Will SF concede on Welfare Cuts?
Will FG/Lab Government Negotiate at a Disadvantage?
Will FG/Lab tolerate unilateral suspension of North Soth Ministerial Meetings by DUP?
Political Allies of DUP are now in untrammelled power at Westminister
DUP could collapse Northern Ireland Assembly on Monday
Belfast Telegraph Published 05/09/2015 Liam Clarke
The future of the Executive will hinge on a speech delivered by Theresa Villiers in the House of Commons on Monday.
If she does not move to suspend the Assembly or to punish Sinn Fein in some way then the DUP will take action itself.
Last night the party was remaining tight-lipped – it has the weekend to consider it – but it is understood the DUP told Ms Villiers it could involve withdrawal from the Assembly. That would cause it to collapse.
UPDATE AUG 6 In Response to Sec of State Villiers Martin McGuinness said:
“Any move by the British Government to impose its welfare cuts agenda over the heads of the Assembly and Executive will seriously undermine devolution and the political institutions.”
Martin McGuiness, interestingly, did not threaten to withdraw from the Executive and did not allege that direct imposition of welfare cuts by the British Government would be a breach of the Good Friday Agreement
Foreign Minister Charlie Flanagan said:
“I acknowledge and accept that the British Government is doing this very much as a last resort, but it is not something that is supported by the Irish Government.
“Anything that is a departure from devolution would not be supported by us,” said Mr Flanagan, who side-stepped questions about the degree of notice Dublin enjoyed about the British action.”-Irish Times
Like Deputy First Minister McGuiness, Minister Flanagan did not allege that direct imposition of welfare cuts by the British Government would be a breach of the Good Friday Agreement
For an Electoral Alliance between The Left and Sinn Féin in 26-Co Election on the basis of No Coalition In Principle With FF or FG
My objective in circulating this discussion document is to bring about an electoral alliance between Sinn Féin and left groups on a principled position of rejecting coalition with FF or FG whether these parties are a majority or a minority in government. In order to enable this to occur, Sinn Féin would have to change their position of permitting coalition with FF or FG in a Sinn Féin led government in which FF or FG are a minority. Left groups who already have such a position, must stop dismissing Sinn Féin as possible electoral allies in the south.
The experience of the nationalist population in the 6-counties is a huge positive resource for the transformation of the whole of Ireland. They have experience of decades of revolt and remain undefeated. The aggressive right-wing orientation of the Tory government at Westminister will propel them and fellow-workers in the unionist tradition into new struggles. Indeed it already has done so in the one-day public service strike earlier this year.
The H-block campaign showed the political potential of a 32-county wide mobilisation. It was my privilege as Secretary of the Natioal H-block Trade Union Committee to instigate and co-ordinate work stoppages in the 26-counties in support of the prisoners.
To fulfill my objective of bringing about such an alliance, I warn of the terrible consequences of Sinn Féin entering such a coalition
Discussion Document: DISCUSSION: FG/ Sinn Féin , FF/Sinn Féin Coalition? Could it happen? -COALITION OPTIONS
The Dublin parliament is viewd in very different way than the the Stormont Assembly by Irish people
Despite severe de facto limitations on its actual powers, it is technically a sovereign parliament and is viewed as such and ,above all, isexpected to act as such by the population.
There is no threat of a return to domination by a Unionist caste as in the north.
I believe that participation by Sinn Féin in a government in Dublin which did not deliver significant economic gains to the majority of the population and did not make serious progress in enhancing Irish unity and sovereignty would lead to a collapse in electoral support for Sinn Féin in the 26 counties. The party would follow the downward road travelled by Clann na Poblachta,The Workers Party, the Green Party and the Labour Party. If Sinn Féin participated in a government which implemented austerity in accordance with the Fiscal Treaty, it would be wiped out.
Ireland is facing a major historical turning point. The decision of Sinn Féin on coalition in Dublin will be central to the outcome.
I believe that the depth of the historical turning point which Ireland is facing in the next two years is being underestimated . Things cannot go on in the old way because the people of the 26 counties will not tolerate increasing austerity for much longer. They have only voted against austerity in the local elections. The main cohorts have not yet fought through strikes, demonstations etc but this is on the way as it is now becoming widely understood that restraint will not work. The outcome of the recent local elections has accelerated this process. I believe that political crisis will be the most intense since the civil war.
I believe that the notion that Sinn Féin will be able to “play a long game” in opposition while retaining coherence is mistaken. Sinn Féin, in its membership and support, contains a number of political components. At one pole are the revolutionary republicans and at the other are the capitulationist pro-capitalists and there are all shades in between, most entirely genuine but politucally confused. It goes without saying that the vast majority of Sinn Féin voters are genuinely seeking an end to austerity.
It is well to recall that all capitulators claim to be “playing a long game”. Collins said we should settle for a “stepping stone” to Irish Freedom . Brendan Corish said he was fighting for socialism “eventually”. McBride said he had first to remove Fianna Fáil patronage in giving out roadwork and to secure the declaration of a 26-county republic.
After the next election, I believe that the 26 county capitalists and their key planners will not initially allow a Fine Gael- Fianna Fail coalition. This would leave them with no fall- back position as the more populist FF would be wiped out. This will leave no possibility of a government being formed without Sinn Féin. The problem is likely to be addressed in the context of a significant degree of popular mobilisation on economic issues. The class pressures on the political components of Sinn Féin will be massive as they were in the civil war period of 1921 to 1923.
Some argue that as the Sinn Féin cumanns will have the final vote on any coalition proposal at a Special Ard Fheis, the interests of the Irish people would be protected. A PROGRAMME FOR GOVERNMENT NEGOTIATED BETWEEN POLITICAL PARTIES HAS NO LEGAL FORCE. FF or FG could make concessions to the SF programme in negotiations and withdraw them after entering government. Already there have been blatant breaches of the programme for government between FG and Lab with no legal consequences for the continuation of the government. This Programme for Government was, of course, approved by Labour Party branches at a Special Conference held after the last general election.
There will be an intense discussion within Sinn Féin. The issue will not be one of tactical stupidity or cleverness. It is the duty of those of us who understand the positive role that revolutionary republicanism can play in the Irish socialist revolution to do what we can to ensure that the revolutionary republicans are victorious. That is why a serious discussion must take place now so that people cannot be fooled in the future.
Simply denouncing Sinn fein in its entirety as some left wing groups do is counter-productive.
ClannNa Poblachta leader Mac Bride told the small farmer and cottier supporters of Clann Na Poblachta that he had to go into coalition with Fine Gael to break the Fianna Fail ganger system of allocating work on the roads. Collins said the Treaty would give us the freedom to win freedom. We must be ready for the “new fangled” excuses. The need to save “the peace process” and to prevent a return to one party unionist administration in the north is likely to be invoked. The need to resist Tory welfare cuts in the north might also feature.The threat of a Fine Gael/Fianna Fáil government will also be stressed. But there are always unexpected excuses in politics.
Following its most recent Ard-Fheis, Sinn Féin has taken the position that it can enter coalition provided Fine Gael and/or Fianna Fail are a minority in the government. Many may have the incorrect impression that in such an arrangement Sinn Féin and the left would be in control. The fact that Fine Gael are in control in the current coalition may lend credence to this view. But nothing could be further from the reality. A minority capitalist party in a coalition would have the full support of the entire Irish pro-capitalist elite. It would also have the support of the the EU and of Germany, France etc. The savagery of the EU attack on Greece and Syriza in recent days should be a warning. The Syriza coalition was unable to stand up to the EU powers. What would the chances be of an Irish government containing FF or FG, even as a minority partner, standing up to the EU? Caoimhín O Caoláin correctly said in the Dáil that the Fiscal Treaty was a setting aside of Irish Sovereignty and “flies in the face of the 1916 Proclamation”.
In my view, there is no possibility of a government containing FF or FG as a minority setting aside the Fiscal Compact. Backed by the EU powers, FF or FG would simply bring down the government at a time of their choosing.
Let us do something positive to protect against capitulation. Let us ask Sinn Féin to publicly commit against coalition with Fianna Fáil and/or Fine Gael, even as minority partners, and to give an undertaking not to implement the Fiscal Treaty which sets aside Irish sovereignty and imposes continued austerity.
The electorate is entitled to know BEFORE the election
If Sinn Féin made such a commitment it would create a new position which would have to be considered by left wing organisations. In my view, the left groupings which are opposed in principle to coalition with FFor FG in any form could and should form an electoral alliance with a Sinn Féin opposed to coalition in principle with FF or Fg in any form.
What is important is to positively effect what happens in the FUTURE.
Discussion of previous or current mistakes is important in order to learn from them. There are very many genuine people in Sinn Féin andin left wing groups.
There is wide agreement on the left that entry of Sinn Féin or left TDs into coalition with Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael would be disastrous for the Irish People. In addition, Sinn Féin would be wiped out in the following election.
There are also several “left” TDs who have not ruled out coalition with FF and/or Fine Gael.
I believe that we should focus in the discussion on getting a public undertaking in advance from Sinn Féin and left wing TDs that they will not go into coalition with FF and/or FG after the next election and that they will under no circumstances implement the Fiscal Treaty which “flies in the face of the 1916 Proclamation” according to Caoimhín O Caoláin.
Questioner 1
Paddy, as someone who has a lot of respect for you,let me assure you that there exists an undying hatred between SF and FG. As I stated before as well as the huge chasm in policy terms there is also a massive gap in social and class terms.FF ,FG Lab,PD,Renua all come from a social demographic that is a million miles from SF and it’s support base.
Paddy
It is extremely dangerous to proceed to political conclusions solely on the basis of “undying hatred” and “massive gaps in social class” between political formations. Sean McBride was chief of staff of the IRA after the formation of this state and FG leader, Dick Mulcahy, had ordered the execution of 77 republicans.Yet in 1948, they were ministers in the same government. In fright at “the red brigandage” that was loose in Munster, Collins and Devalera made an electoral pact notwithstanding the civil war. Labour leader,Tom Johnson, entered the Treaty Parliament thus supporting a regime which was not just executing republicans without trial but was also smashing by force the worker-controlled “red flag” creameries in Munster. The fact that he had been calling for “all power to the soviets” a short time earlier was not a problem for him.
History is littered with situations where powerful class forces overcame “undying hatreds” and “massive gaps in social class”.
If undying hatreds and massive gaps in social class were sufficient to protect working class interests, the Workers Republic and,indeed, international socialism would already be in existence
Questioner 2: But,Paddy, would not a FF-FG Government be a much easier option for the establishment?
Paddy: On the face of it, it appears to be far easier to have an FF-FG government. But, as I argue above, I believe that Irish capitalism and all the sections of the establishment which serve it will be opposed to FF and FG being in government together AT THIS STAGE. Firstly, such a government could provoke a mass mobilisation of a depth never experienced in this state. Secondly, it would remove any substantial fall-back capitalist party as core of an alternative government. It would remove the tweedle dum and tweedldee basis on which the free state has been run since 1932. An FF/SF or a FG/SF government would also have the huge advantage of first demobilising the masses and then politically disorienting them. The establishment always has key strategic political planners who think further down the road than one election.
There was very considerable mobilisation including strikes leading up to the formation of the 1948 government. The growth of Clann Na Poblactha threatened to undermine FF(tweedledee). The entry of the then divided Labour parties and Clann na Poblactha into government stopped the mobilisation and saved FF as well.
Even as a minority partner in a SF-led coalition, FFor FG can veto anything with which they do not agree, paralyse the government and bring it down at a time of their choosing. In this FFor FG would have full support of EU, White House, British Government, IMF, ECB etc
There are circumstances in which the establishment would allow a FF-FG government but only in extremis, as a last resort to save the capitalist state. That can be expected further down the road.
“First lets deal with the inaccuracies – the LP did not refuse to participate in the first Dail. SF attempted to make the LP a small appendage of the nationalist movement by offering them a handful of seats in the 1918 in return for not only adopting an abstentionist position, but by accepting a subsidiary and subservient role to the nationalist forces in 1918. The leadership of the LP quite rightly rejected this approach, but incorrectly failed to provide a left political alternative to the nationalist movement in 1918.”
Paddy Healy
Socialist Party Effectively Defends the Formation of anti-Revolutionary Pro-Imperialist Irish Social Democracy after Connolly
JRG(Socialist Party)
THe LP did refuse to participate in the 1918 election. It was a British General Election in which the LP was free to stand and did not stand. Sinn Féin was in no position to prevent them standing. Sinn Féin was only in a position to place conditions on not opposing the LP in certain constituencies. The labour and trade union movement, which also had widespread support, could also have contested SF in many constituencies.
Driving the British armed forces out of Ireland was a key task to open the way to the Workers Republic. The Labour and trade union leaders had allowed the Citizen Army, though still in existence, to wither. They abstained from the mass movement against British colonial domination of which participating in the election on an abstentionist basis was a component. They abstained from the war against the British Forces. This is the definitive formation of counter-revolutionary pro-imperialist Social Democracy in Ireland. Entry into the Free-state parliament when that regime was waging a pro-British war against the Irish People confirmed the position.
(The Socialist Party of Ireland was established in 1909. It was a re-establishment of James Connolly’s Irish Socialist Republican Party.
In 1921, during the Civil War, it affiliated with the revolutionary Lenin led Comintern and was renamed the Communist Party of Ireland (the first party of that name, and not to be confused with the current party, founded in 1933).
In September 1923, Larkin, having returned to Ireland, formed the Irish Worker League (IWL), which was soon afterwards recognised by the Comintern as the Irish section of the world communist movement. In 1924 Larkin attended the Comintern congress in Moscow and was elected to its executive committee.)